====== Riandana ======

Timothy Usher, Santa Fe Institute

===== Situation =====
**[under construction]**\\
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Riandana (Riantana) is spoken by 1,000 people (1949) living in six villages in the northernmost portion of Kolopom (Frederick-Hendrik) island. Drabbe names these villages as Ambébé (Iramoro,) Roàmbu (Soam,) Awïra (Kundjubandjung,) Kāmba, Kòmöka and Jarà. The term /rja-ndana/ [ria-nˈtana rian̪d̪ana] means "real people," in contrast to outsiders who are called Kwökö /kwʏkʏ/ (Drabbe 1949: 1-2, 3., Choi 2015: …)

===== Sources =====
Drabbe (1949) brief description of and (pp. 14-24) 469 comparative terms for Riantana

Drabbe (1950) comparative vocabulary of Riantana

Drabbe (1954: 231-255) 100 comparative terms for Riantana

Voorhoeve (1975: 365-366) phonological inventory and pronouns for Riantana following Drabbe (1949)

Voorhoeve (1975: 96) 40 comparative terms for Riantana following Drabbe (1949)

Menanti and Susanto (2001) survey of Kimaam (unobtained)

Choi (2015) grammar of and (pp. 55-507) 203 terms for Riantana\\
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In addition to these, a vocabulary of Riantana was provided in digitalized form by Paul Whitehouse via the Summer Institute of Linguistics; however it is undated and unattributed.

===== Phonology =====
**[under construction]**\\
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Drabbe (1949: 3-4) gives 19 consonants and 7 vowels for Riantana as follows:

|< - 60px 60px 60px 60px 60px >|
|  m   |  n   |      |       |      |
|  p   |  t   |  tr  |  tʲ   |  k   |
|  b   |  d   |  dr  |       |      |
|  mb  |  nd  |      |  ndʲ  |  ŋg  |
|      |      |      |   s   |      |
|  β   |      |      |       |      |
|  w   |  r   |      |   j   |      |


|< - 60px 60px 60px >|
|  i  |     |  u  |
|     |  ʏ  |     |
|  e  |     |  o  |
|  ɛ  |     |     |
|     |  a  |     |

It is clear from comparison to Choi's materials that Drabbe's /tr dr/ are merely clusters which Drabbe considered to be phonemic because they are the only recurring unambiguous clusters in the language.\\
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Unlike Choi (2015) (below) who explicitly states that the laminal stops are not affricates, Drabbe isn't clear about the precise qualities of the stops written as <tj ndj>. Usually in Drabbe's work these graphemes would denote affricates [tʃ ndʒ], but his general comment about Kolopom <dj> ("De medeklinker //dj// echter heeft een duidelijke //d// -klank, juist als bv. in het Maleise //djambu// ") can be read as supporting Choi's interpretation; accordingly these sounds are shown as <tʲ ndʲ> herein.\\
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Drabbe's <ö> is specified as phonetic [ʏ] (Dutch <stuk>) in Riantana. We show it as such here rather than as <ə> because it sometimes corresponds to [u] …\\
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Choi (2015: 16-26) gives a somewhat different inventory with 22 or 23 consonants and 7 vowels:

|< - 60px 60px 60px 60px 60px 60px >|
|  m   |        |  n   |       |      |  ŋ   |
|  p   |        |  t   |  [ʈ]  |  c   |  k   |
|  b   |   d̪   |  d   |       |  ɟ   |  g   |
|  mb  |  n̪d̪  |  nd  |       |  ɲɟ  |  ŋg  |
|  β   |        |      |       |      |  ɣ   |
|  w   |        |  r   |       |  j   |      |


|< - 60px 60px 60px >|
|  i  |     |  u  |
|     |  ə  |  o  |
|  ɛ  |     |  ɔ  |
|     |  a  |     |

Choi's retroflexed voiceless stop /ʈ/ is found in only a few words (2015: 18-19) where she alleges it to be contrastive with apical /t/. but seems uncertain of its phonemic validity.\\
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Choi's velar non-stop /ɣ/, which Drabbe did not recognize at all, is evidently uncommon, being found medially in only six words in her grammar and termlist ….\\
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….\\
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Based upon a review of the available materials, we propose 14 to 18 consonants and 6 vowels for Riandana, with marginal or debatable components given in brackets:

|< - 60px 60px 60px 60px >|
|  m   |  n   |         |       |
|  p   |  t   |   tʲ    |   k   |
|  b   |  d   |  [dʲ]   |  [g]  |
|  mb  |  nd  |  [ndʲ]  |  ŋg   |
|  w   |  r   |    j    |  [ɣ]  |


|< - 60px 60px 60px >|
|  i  |     |  u  |
|     |  ʏ  |     |
|     |     |  o  |
|  ɛ  |     |     |
|     |  a  |     |


Final consonants are not found in free forms, a few examples in Drabbe's (1949: 14-24) termlist probably being attributable to devoicing of final vowels as described in Choi (2015: 24-25.) However, underlying final consonants /m n r/ and possibly /t/ which continue those of Proto-Kolopom are discernible when the root is followed by a suffix (below):

|< - 60px 60px >|
|  m  |   n   |
|     |  [t]  |
|     |   r   |

Somewhat unsuually for New Guinean languages, clusters involving non-stops /w r j/ as their second member are common both initially and mdially. This analysis is favored over one which treats /CwV CjV/ as sequential vowels /CuV CiV/ because clusters /trV drV/ are also found and because there are otherwise no sequential vowels. The following combinations have been observed in Drabbe's and Choi's data:

|< - 60px 60px 60px 60px >|
|     |  w   |   r   |   j   |
|  m  |  mw  |       |  mj   |
|  p  |  pw  |       |       |
|  b  |      |       |       |
|  n  |  nw  |       |  nj   |
|  t  |      |  tr   |       |
|  d  |  dw  |  dr   |       |
|  k  |  kw  |       |       |
|  r  |  rw  |  ---  |  rj   |
|  j  |  jw  |       |  ---  |

Thus Riandana roots are of the structure /(C(C₂))V(C₃)/, /(C(C₂))VC(C₂)V(C₃)/, etc., where /C₂ C₃/ are members of restricted sets as outlined above.\\
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While Choi's Riantana probably represents the same dialect as Drabbe's, Choi's transcription sometimes differs from Drabbe's in its details. As Choi drew from Drabbe to supplement her own fieldwork, it is not always clear which elements of agreement are genuinely confirmational and which are mere repetitions. Final consonants are indicated in parentheses on Choi's attestations where the final is known (q.v. 2015: 31-33, see below for our reanalysis of Choi's proposed noun classes.) The comparisons which follow include only those terms which are found in both sources or have known outcomparisons to other Kolopom languages.\\
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Bilabial nasal /m/ occurs initially and medially:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|          |Drabbe       |Choi                   |
|          |**m-**       |**m-**                 |
|tie       |miˈa         |mia                    |
|some      |miˈta        |mitə                   |
|shoot     |ˈmindʏdʏra   |                       |
|one       |mɛːbʏ        |mɛβə                   |
|tongue    |mɛβʏ-dombo   |meβə-dəmbo             |
|stone     |ˈmɛtʏ        |                       |
|rib(s)    |mʏrʏn-ʏmbo   |                       |
|flesh/meat|mɛːratʏ      |mɛratə                 |
|breast    |ma           |                       |
|five      |mata         |mata                   |
|no/not    |mowo ~maˈwo  |mawo ~ mo              |
|head      |moˈdo        |mɔdə                   |
|deep      |ˈmoa         |                       |
|vomit     |morʏ         |morə                   |
|eat/drink |moˈra ~ -mʏra|mora                   |
|mother    |maˈka        |muka                   |
|breast    |mu           |mo "breast"\\ mu "milk"|
|birth     |mu           |mu                     |
|rain      |mi           |mɯi                    |
|husband   |mi           |-mɯi                   |
|          |**-m-**      |**-m-**                |
|oblique   |             |-mɛ                    |
|louse     |nʏˈmɛ        |nəmə(n)                |
|cheek     |tʲama-ˈtat   |                       |
|full      |komˈjɛti     |kəmia                  |
|cold      |rʏmada       |rəmo                   |

Apical nasal /n/ occurs initially and medially:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|                |Drabbe     |Choi        |
|                |**n-**     |**n-**      |
|1 pl. nom./poss.|ni         |ni          |
|1 pl. obj.      |ni-ɛː      |ni-ɛ        |
|weep/cry        |niʏβʏrʏ    |ni-ni       |
|tear(s)         |niːrʏ      |            |
|dog             |niˈa       |nja(m) ~ ɲia|
|machete         |niˈarʏ     |            |
|1 sg. obj.      |n-ɛː       |n-ɛ         |
|bird            |nɛ ~ ne-   |nɛ(m)       |
|sit             |nendʏn-dʏrɛ|nɛndəra     |
|grandmother     |-neβa      |nɛwɛ        |
|louse           |nʏˈmɛ      |nəmə(n)     |
|spirit/ghost    |nʏmba(ː)   |            |
|1 sg. nom./p.   |na         |na          |
|rope            |naː        |na          |
|name            |           |na(r)       |
|sky/world (?)   |naˈndʲowja |naɲɟəβia    |
|know            |naːˈkɛ     |nakɛ        |
|wallaby         |no         |no(n)       |
|fly (v.)        |nomba      |nɔmba       |
|star            |noːtʲʏ     |nɔcə        |
|wind            |noˈambo    |nwambo      |
|new/recent      |noˈana     |nwanana     |
|                |**-n-**    |**-n-**     |
|two             |ɛˈnaβa     |ɛnaβa       |
|hold            |aˈmba-nʏna |amba-nəna   |
|daughter        |noˈa       |anwa        |
|new/recent      |noˈana     |nwanana     |
|bite            |ˈturaneβa  |turanɛwɛ    |
|stand           |dinianʏ-na |dinianə     |
|live            |dʏnʏ-na    |dɛnɛ        |
|axe             |kaːβuˈna   |            |
|people          |ria-nˈtana |ria-n̪d̪ana |

Choi (2015: 19, 55) recognizes a phonemic velar nasal upon the basis of one word she gives as [ŋaβa] "in-law." As this does not appear in Drabbe and has no currently known etymology, there is little we can say about this form besides noting that Kolopom had no phonemic /ŋ/, nor does one exist in neighboring Marianne Straia and Marind families, although there is an /ŋ/ in Yelmek which could conceivably be the source of a loan.\\
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Bilabial voiceless stop /p/ is realized as unlenited [p] only root-initially:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|            |Drabbe|Choi               |
|            |**p-**|**p-**             |
|three       |pɛndʏ |pəndə              |
|ground/below|pota- |pɔtɛ-\\ ~ pɔta-βota|
|house       |potʲʏ |pocə               |
|sago        |pu    |pu                 |
|long        |ˈpiβo |pwiβɔ\\ ~ pɯβɯ     |

Medial /p/ is lenited to voiced fricative [β] as it is in Kimaghama corresponding to Ndom /f/ just as does initial /p/:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|             |Drabbe       |Choi                |
|             |**-p- [β b]**|**-p- [β]**         |
|two          |ɛˈnaβa       |ɛnaβa               |
|wing         |aˈβa         |aβwa(m)             |
|see          |aˈβo         |aβo                 |
|hit/beat     |ˈowβura      |ɔβora               |
|one          |mɛːbʏ        |mɛβə                |
|tongue       |mɛβʏ-dombo   |meβə-dəmbo          |
|long         |ˈpiβo        |pwiβɔ\\ ~ pɯβɯ      |
|sleepy       |-βaˈβo-      |                    |
|ground/below |             |pɔta-βota           |
|thumb/big toe|tiβɛ         |                    |
|hand         |taː-βat      |ta-βwatə\\ ~ ta-βatə|
|pick up      |-ˈtraβʏ      |                    |
|belly        |ˈdi-βo       |di-βu               |
|woman/wife   |duˈaβo       |d̪waβo              |
|heel         |kaː-βʏ       |ka-βə               |
|foot/sole    |ka-watʲʏ-pɛːt|ka-βatə             |
|axe          |kaːβuˈna     |                    |
|bow          |kaˈraβo      |                    |
|hear         |roˈa-bar     |rwa-βarə            |
|hair         |ru-tiβʏ      |ru-tiβə(r)          |

One apparent exception is also an exception in Kimaghama from the same rule, indicating a compound or a loan:


|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|   |Drabbe     |Choi|
|   |**-p- [p]**|****|
|dry|tʏˈpanjɛn  |    |

Apical voiceless stop /t/ occurs initially and medially:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|             |Drabbe                   |Choi               |
|             |**t-**                   |**t-**             |
|forehead     |ti                       |ti                 |
|ashes/dust   |tin-aˈna                 |ti(n)              |
|thumb/big toe|tiβɛ                     |                   |
|laugh        |tiˈti                    |titi               |
|foot         |tɛː                      |tɛ                 |
|shin         |tɛrʏ                     |                   |
|river        |tʏ                       |tə                 |
|dry          |tʏˈpanjɛn                |                   |
|straight     |tʏmbʏra                  |                   |
|six          |tʏrwa                    |tərwa              |
|speech       |tʏrwa- tʏrwa\\ ~ trʏa-rʏa|tərwa-tərwa        |
|hand         |taː-βat                  |ta-βwatə           |
|coconut shell|taːbo                    |                   |
|finger       |taːn-ʏmbo                |tan-əmbo           |
|arm          |                         |ta-ka              |
|swim         |ˈtatabʏ                  |tatabi             |
|many         |tarʏ                     |tarə               |
|hole         |to                       |                   |
|tooth        |ˈtu-dʏmbo                |tu-dəmbo           |
|elbow        |tudʏ                     |tundə              |
|bite         |ˈturaneβa                |turanɛwɛ           |
|             |**-t-**                  |**-t-**            |
|stone        |ˈmɛtʏ                    |                   |
|flesh/meat   |mɛːratʏ                  |mɛratə             |
|five         |mata                     |mata               |
|ground/below |pota-                    |pɔtɛ-\\ ~ pɔta-βota|
|nose         |ˈbutʏ                    |butə               |
|laugh        |tiˈti                    |titi               |
|mouth        |ˈdota                    |dotə               |
|lip(s)       |tʲatʏ                    |catə(r)            |
|day          |rʏti                     |rati               |
|hair         |ru-tiβʏ                  |ru-tiβə(r)         |

In one example, medial /t/ in a root meaning "sit down/lie down" is given as [d] when following /n/ in the preceding root:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|        |Drabbe        |Choi          |
|        |****          |**-t-**       |
|lie down|              |pɔtɛ-təra     |
|        |**-t-/_n [d]**|**-t-/_n [d]**|
|sit     |nendʏn-dʏrɛ   |nɛndəra       |

Palatal voiceless stop /c/ occurs initially and medially:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|             |Drabbe    |Choi    |
|             |**tʲ-**   |**c-**  |
|sweet        |tʲitʲʏ    |        |
|knee         |tʲʏ       |cu      |
|firewood     |tʲʏt-aˈna |        |
|thunder      |tʲʏdʏ     |        |
|cheek        |tʲama-ˈtat|        |
|tail         |tʲambʏ    |cambə(r)|
|heart        |ˈtʲan-ʏmbʏ|can-əmbo|
|lip(s)       |tʲatʏ     |catə(r) |
|cough/phlegm |tʲaˈtʲa   |        |
|break (stone)|tʲaˈra    |        |
|suck         |          |cu-mora |
|             |**-tʲ-**  |**-c-** |
|sneeze       |atʲi-ma   |        |
|face         |ˈatʲʏ     |        |
|house        |potʲʏ     |pocə    |
|star         |noːtʲʏ    |nɔcə    |
|sweet        |tʲitʲʏ    |        |
|cough/phlegm |tʲaˈtʲa   |        |
|mountain     |ˈkarkatʲa |karəkacə|
|sand         |rʏtʲi     |rəci    |
|kunai grass  |ˈwatʲʏ    |        |

In addition palatal voiceless, plain voiced and prenasalized voiced stops, Drabbe (1949: 4) aasserts the existence of a fricative /s/' however only three examples, all medial, appear in his termlist and Choi's (2015) materials show Indonesian /s/ to be interpreted by Riandana spreakers as voiceless stop [tʲ c] (below.) Kolopom /*s/ is likewise regularly reflected as [tʲ c] in Riandana, suggesting [s] to be most likely an allophone of the palatal voiceless stop.\\
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Velar voiceless stop /k/ occurs initially and medially:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|          |Drabbe         |Choi           |
|          |**k-**         |**k-**         |
|arrow     |kiˈda          |               |
|leaf      |kebe-dʏˈmbo    |kɛbə           |
|heel      |kaː-βʏ         |ka-βə          |
|foot/sole |ka-watʲʏ-pɛːt  |ka-βatə        |
|axe       |kaːβuˈna       |               |
|toe       |kaː-dʏmb       |ka-dəmbo       |
|snake     |ka             |ka             |
|testicles |ka             |ka             |
|scabies   |kaˈmbi-kaˈmbi  |               |
|call      |ˈkambo         |               |
|sugarcane |kaˈnta         |               |
|banana    |kaːrʏ          |karə           |
|urine     |kaː-ro-aˈna    |ka-rə          |
|bow       |kaˈraβo        |               |
|mountain  |ˈkarkatʲa      |karəkacə       |
|full      |komˈjɛti       |kəmia          |
|pig       |ku             |               |
|penis     |ˈkodʏ          |kwəd̪ə(r)      |
|skin/bark |kwiˈka         |kwika          |
|fruit/seed|-kwa           |kwa            |
|coconut   |kuˈa           |kwa            |
|neck      |kwakʏ          |kwakə          |
|root      |ˈkwaran-ʏˈmba  |kwɔrə          |
|          |**-k-**        |**-k-**        |
|child/son |aˈka           |aka            |
|mother    |maˈka          |muka           |
|short     |mbʏka          |mbəka          |
|know      |naːˈkɛ         |nakɛ           |
|smoke     |didʏkwʏ        |didəkwə        |
|die       |doˈakʏmbo      |dwakəmbo       |
|bone      |ˈnduka         |n̪d̪uka(r)     |
|father    |ntʲʏka         |ɲɟəka          |
|skin/bark |kwiˈka         |kwika          |
|neck      |kwakʏ          |kwakə          |
|intestines|roˈa-ka ~ roa-k|rwa-kə         |
|think     |roˈa-ka-do     |rwa-kə-d̪u     |
|ear       |ruˈa-kɛ        |rwa-kɛ         |
|3 pl. nom.|ˈjakwo         |jakwɔ\\ ~ jakwə|

Plain voiced stops and prenasalized voiced stops are dealt with together in the following section because the distinctions between them are marginal and of recent origin. The original rule looks to have been that prenasalized bilabial and apical /mb nd/ were realized as plain voiced [b d] in initial position, the situation for palatal and velar /ɲɟ ŋg/ being less clear. Such allophony is very common in New Guinean languages, sometimes leading to contrasts in compounds or where a destressed initial vowels have been lost. This is illustrated directly by Drabbe's [bˈjɛtʏ-mbˈjɛt] "pagaai (paddle)," whichi s plainly a reduplication, and by 3 sg poss. [ntʏ n̪d̪ə] where both internal and external comparision shows the former presence of an initial vowel [e ɛ]. Distributionally, prenasalized [mb nd] are far more common medially than are plain [b d] while initially the converse is true. Moreover, at least some examples of medial [b] are lenited reflexes of voiceless /p/ (above,) while several examples of medial [d] look to result from reduplication of initial [d] (below.)\\
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Bilabial plain voiced stop /b/ …

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|             |Drabbe     |Choi    |
|             |**b-**     |**b-**  |
|fight/war    |baːdʏrʏ    |baɣədəra|
|nose         |ˈbutʏ      |butə    |
|bamboo       |bɛː        |bɛ      |
|             |**-b-**    |**-b-** |
|coconut shell|taːbo      |        |
|swim         |ˈtatabʏ    |tatabi  |
|leaf         |kebe-dʏˈmbo|kɛbə    |

Bilabial prenasalized voiced stop /mb/ …

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|            |Drabbe       |Choi     |
|            |**mb-**      |**mb-**  |
|short       |mbʏka        |mbəka    |
|wash        |ˈmbari       |mbari    |
|good        |mbuˈri       |mbori    |
|            |**-mb-**     |**-mb-** |
|take        |aˈmba-       |amba/ɔmba|
|hold        |aˈmba-nʏna   |amba-nəna|
|quick       |amboj        |ambwɛ    |
|spirit/ghost|nʏmba(ː)     |         |
|fly (v.)    |nomba        |nɔmba    |
|wind        |noˈambo      |nwambo   |
|straight    |tʏmbʏra      |         |
|breathe     |dʏ-dʏmba     |-dəmbə   |
|die         |doˈakʏmbo    |dwakəmbo |
|tail        |tʲambʏ       |cambə(r) |
|scabies     |kaˈmbi-kaˈmbi|         |
|call        |ˈkambo       |         |
|nail        |wɛmbɛː-tʲʏ   |wɛmbɛ(n) |
|earth/ground|rʏmbʏ        |-rəmbə   |
|night/dark  |βe-rʏmbʏ     |wə-rəmbə |

Choi asserts a phonemic distinction between apical voiced stops /d nd/ and dental voiced stops /d̪ n̪d̪/, but even the examples she chooses to illustrate this contrast (p. 19) are represented inconsistently in her data (pp. 19. 21 [d̪rə] "fire", p. 57 term #190 [d̪rə-wa] "warm", but p. 55, term #28 [drawarə] "burn", term #62 [drə-nanakwɔ] "flames", pp. 19, 22 [drə] "ship" but p. 44 [d̪rə] "ship") as are a number of other words. As this distinction is unusual, is not recognized by Drabbe and would have no known origin, we tentatively conclude it to be non-phonemic. Choi adds that [d̪] has a "tense, near voiceless quality," which suggests a connection to Drabbe's sporadic representation of /nd/ (?) as [nt]; however if so the correspondence is not consistent and in any event would apply only to /nd/ as Choi's [d] is never given as [t] in Drabbe.\\
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Initial apical plain voiced stop /d/ is far more common than are initial /nd/ (below) or medial /d/ (below):

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|          |Drabbe    |Choi         |
|          |**d- [d]**|**d- [d d̪]**|
|sick/ill  |diβʏ      |             |
|belly     |ˈdi-βo    |di-βu        |
|stand     |dinianʏ-na|dinianə      |
|spine     |dintu     |dindu(r)     |
|smoke     |didʏkwʏ   |didəkwə      |
|fish      |diˈa      |dia(m)       |
|live      |dʏnʏ-na   |dɛnɛ         |
|fat/grease|          |də           |
|breathe   |dʏ-dʏmba  |-dəmbə       |
|game      |          |da           |
|mouth     |ˈdota     |dotə(r)      |
|bad       |ˈdodo     |d̪ɔd̪ɔ       |
|die       |doˈakʏmbo |dwakəmbo     |
|smell/kiss|du        |d̪u          |
|fire      |drʏ       |d̪rə ~ drə   |
|canoe     |drʏ       |drə ~ d̪rə   |

One example of variation between initials [d] and [nd] is explained by Choi (pp. 37-38) as resulting from the prefixation of a possessive element /n-/ which is not distinguished by person:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|     |Drabbe       |Choi            |
|     |**d- [d]**   |**d- [d d̪]**   |
|woman|duˈaβo       |d̪waβo\\ ~ dwaβo|
|     |**n-d- [nd]**|**n-d- [nd]**   |
|wife |n-doaːβo     |n-dwaβo         |

Medial /d/ is less common that medial /nd/ (below) and at least two examples ("smoke" and "bad", see also "breathe" above) look to be reduplications, while the word for "garden" is found as /ma/ in Kimaghama and as /mar/ in Ndom, suggesting the Riandana root to be merely /ma/. "Penis" may also be a compound as Choi gives "vagina" as [kwəra(m)]:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|         |Drabbe     |Choi          |
|         |**-d- [d]**|**-d- [d d̪]**|
|come     |eda        |ɛd̪a          |
|shoot    |ˈmindʏdʏra |              |
|garden   |maˈda      |              |
|head     |moˈdo      |mɔdə          |
|fight/war|baːdʏrʏ    |baɣədəra      |
|thunder  |tʲʏdʏ      |              |
|smoke    |didʏkwʏ    |didəkwə       |
|bad      |ˈdodo      |d̪ɔd̪ɔ        |
|arrow    |kiˈda      |              |
|penis    |ˈkodʏ      |kwəd̪ə(r)     |
|think    |roˈaka-do  |rwakə-d̪u     |

Initial apical prenasalized voiced stop /nd/ is uncommon but appears to be irreducible. The third person singular possessive has lost an initial vowel, suggesting an origin for the contrast with /d/:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|           |Drabbe         |Choi             |
|           |**nd- [nd nt]**|**nd- [n̪d̪ nd]**|
|make       |ndiˈwa         |n̪d̪iwa          |
|3 sg. poss.|ntʏ            |n̪d̪ə            |
|bone       |ˈnduka         |n̪d̪uka(r)       |
|tree/wood  |nduˈa          |n̪d̪wa ~ ndua    |

Medial /nd/ is more common that are initial /nd/ or medial /d/ (above):

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|          |Drabbe          |Choi              |
|          |**-nd- [nd nt]**|**-nd- [nd n̪d̪]**|
|3 sg. obl.|enta            |ɛn̪d̪a            |
|big       |aˈntɛ           |an̪d̪ɛ            |
|shoot     |ˈmindʏdʏra      |                  |
|three     |pɛndʏ           |pəndə             |
|sit       |nendʏn-dʏrɛ     |nɛndəra           |
|spine     |dintu           |dindu(r)          |
|sugarcane |kaˈnta          |                  |
|four      |wɛːndʏ          |wɛndə             |
|people    |ria-nˈtana      |ria-n̪d̪ana       |

One word is given with medial [d] in Drabbe but with medial [nd] in Choi. Comparison to Drabbe's (!949: 15) Kimaghama and Geurtjens' (1933: 400-401) Kaladdarsch and Teri Kalwasch forms suggests it to be a compound with the root /tu(n)/:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|     |Drabbe     |Choi         |
|     |**-d- [d]**|**-nd- [nd]**|
|elbow|tudʏ       |tundə        |

Palatal plain voiced stop [ɟ] is atttested in only three words, Drabbe's [dʲadʲʏ-kwakʏ] "larynx (ademsappel)" and [dʲaː] "boeren (belch)", though Drabbe does not include it in his phonemic inventory, and Choi's (p. 19) [ɟa] "to farm" and [ɟaɟə kwakə] "adam's apple". Choi's gloss "to farm" is probably a mistranslation of Drabbe's "boeren" which also means "farmer (pl.)", suggesting that her versions are not the result of fieldwork but repetitions drawn from Drabbe's termlist. The word for "larynx" is prefixed to "neck" and is probably a reduplication of "belch". As these words have no known etymologies we can say little about the origin of [ɟ]:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|      |Drabbe      |Choi      |
|      |**dʲ-**     |**ɟ-**    |
|belch |dʲaː        |ɟa        |
|larynx|dʲadʲʏ-kwakʏ|ɟaɟə kwakə|
|      |**-dʲ-**    |**-ɟ-**   |
|larynx|dʲadʲʏ-kwakʏ|ɟaɟə kwakə|

Initial palatal prenasalized voiced stop /ɲɟ/ is found only in second person plural pronouns, where historically it reflects a palatalized version of velar /ŋg/ (below.) It seems possible that this should really be analyzed as a cluster /ŋgj/ as such clusters /Cj/ are known to exist in initial position (below):

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|          |Drabbe  |Choi   |
|          |**ndʲ-**|**ɲɟ-**|
|2 pl. obj.|ntʲ-ɛː  |ɲɟ-ɛ   |
|2 pl. nom.|ntʲʏ    |ɲɟə    |

Medial palatal prenasalized voiced stop /ɲɟ/ is uncommon. Unlike initial /ɲɟ/, outcomarisons of "lightning", which is also found in the Marianne Strait languages (where palatalization of apical /nd/ is automatic when folowed by /i/,) provide no indication of an origin as velar /ŋg/. However, it likewise seems possible that these should really be analyzed as clusters /ndj/ as this sound is far less common than voiceless /c/ (above) and besides "lightning" is not established medially in proto-Kolopom:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|             |Drabbe    |Choi    |
|             |**-ndʲ-** |**-ɲɟ-**|
|sky/world (?)|naˈndʲowja|naɲɟəβia|
|lightning    |ˈwandʲʏ   |        |

Velar plain voiced stop [g] is atttested in only three words, Drabbe's [aˈga] "zoete bataat (sweet potato)", though Drabbe does not include it in his phonemic inventory, and Choi's [gamɔ] "(pig) tusk" and [pagə] "torso". As neither have known etymologies, it's not possible to draw any firm conclusions besides noting that both Drabbe and Choi assert that a phoneme /g/ exists. It is interesting to note though that Indonesian /guru/ "teacher" was borrowed as [ŋgurə] (2015: 43, 53.)\\
\\

Velar prenasalized voiced stop /ŋg/ has been found only initially in second person singular pronouns. As nominative and oblique (but not possessive) forms are found with preceding initial vowels in closely-related Kimaghama but not in Ndom or Moraori, it's difficult to say whether they were originally root-initial:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|           |Drabbe |Choi   |
|           |**ŋg-**|**ŋg-**|
|2 sg. nom. |ŋgʏ    |ŋgə    |
|2 sg. poss.|ŋga    |ŋga    |
|           |       |       |

Choi's velar voiced fricative [ɣ] is given in six words where it occurs only medially. One of these has a counterart in Drabbe where the sound is not recognized at all:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|         |Drabbe |Choi    |
|         |**-ø-**|**-ɣ-** |
|fight/war|baːdʏrʏ|baɣədəra|

It seems possible though somewhat counterintuitive that this was originally the medial reflex of /ŋg/ which is otherwise not attested, and would not be inconsistent with Drabbe's [aˈga] "zoete bataat (sweet ptoato)" as noted above though would seem to contradict Choi's (p. 19) assertion of a contrast between [paɣə] "crocodile cave" and [pagə] "torso". Alternatively, they are loans from neighboring Ndom in which [ɣ] is the regular reflex of both [*k *ŋg] (there is a /*ɣ / in both Bulaka River and in Marind but it has become /ŋ/ in Yelmek and /h/ both in Maklew and in the western dialects of Marind ).\\
\\

Bilabial non-stop /w/ occurs initially and medially, sometimes being interpreted as voiced fricative [β] in Drabbe's vocabulary:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|           |Drabbe       |Choi       |
|           |**w- [w β]** |**w-**     |
|egg        |ˈwin-ʏmb-ana |wi(n-əmbo) |
|dream      |wɛ           |           |
|nail       |wɛmbɛː-tʲʏ   |wɛmbɛ(n)   |
|four       |wɛːndʏ       |wɛndə      |
|thigh      |βeˈrimo      |wɛri       |
|night/dark |βerʏmbʏ      |wərəmbə    |
|kunai grass|ˈwatʲʏ       |           |
|lightning  |ˈwandʲʏ      |           |
|sleep (n.) |ˈβia-        |βia- ~ βiɛ-|
|           |**-w- [w β]**|**-w-**    |
|cassowary  |aˈwi         |awi        |
|upper arm  |aˈwa         |awa(r)     |
|no/not     |mowo ~ maˈwo |mawo ~ mo  |
|grandmother|-neβa        |nɛwɛ       |
|bite       |ˈturaneβa    |turanɛwɛ   |
|sick/ill   |diβʏ         |           |
|cook/burn  |draˈwaro     |drawarə    |
|make       |ndiˈwa       |n̪d̪iwa    |

Apical non-stop /r/ occurs initially and medially:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|             |Drabbe                   |Choi       |
|             |**r-**                   |**r-**     |
|bathe        |riˈra                    |rira       |
|person       |ria                      |ria        |
|water        |rʏ ~ ˈru-ana\\ ro-aˈna   |rə         |
|cold         |rʏmada                   |rəmo       |
|earth/ground |rʏmbʏ                    |-rəmbə     |
|sand         |rʏtʲi                    |rəci       |
|day          |rʏti                     |rati       |
|black        |ˈru-datari               |ru         |
|leech        |ru                       |ru(n)      |
|hair         |ru-tiβʏ                  |ru-tiβə(r) |
|body hair    |ˈrur-ana                 |run-əmbo   |
|hear         |roˈa-bar                 |rwa-βarə   |
|ear          |ruˈa-kɛ                  |rwa-kɛ     |
|intestines   |roˈa-ka ~ roa-k          |rwa-kə     |
|think        |roˈa-ka-do               |rwa-kə-d̪u |
|             |**-r-**                  |**-r-**    |
|hit/beat     |ˈowβura                  |ɔβora      |
|shoot        |ˈmindʏdʏra               |           |
|rib(s)       |mʏrʏn-ʏmbo               |           |
|flesh/meat   |mɛːratʏ                  |mɛratə     |
|vomit        |morʏ                     |morə       |
|eat/drink    |moˈra ~ -mʏra            |mora       |
|fight/war    |baːdʏrʏ                  |baɣədəra   |
|wash         |ˈmbari                   |mbari      |
|good         |mbuˈri                   |mbori      |
|machete      |niˈarʏ                   |           |
|tear(s)      |niːrʏ                    |           |
|shin         |tɛrʏ                     |           |
|straight     |tʏmbʏra                  |           |
|lie down     |                         |-təra      |
|sit          |nendʏn-dʏrɛ              |nɛndəra    |
|six          |tʏrwa                    |tərwa      |
|speech       |tʏrwa- tʏrwa\\ ~ trʏa-rʏa|tərwa-tərwa|
|many         |tarʏ                     |tarə       |
|bite         |ˈturaneβa                |turanɛwɛ   |
|break (stone)|tʲaˈra                   |           |
|cook/burn    |draˈwaro                 |drawarə    |
|banana       |kaːrʏ                    |karə       |
|bow          |kaˈraβo                  |           |
|mountain     |ˈkarkatʲa                |karəkacə   |
|root         |ˈkwaran-ʏˈmba            |kwɔrə      |
|bathe        |riˈra                    |rira       |

Palatal non-stop [j] has been clearly found only initially:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|              |Drabbe  |Choi           |
|              |**j-**  |**j-**         |
|give          |ĩ       |ji             |
|blood         |jɛr-aˈna|jə(r)          |
|saliva/spittle|jʏr-aˈna|jɛ-tə          |
|3 sg. nom.    |jʏ      |jə             |
|3 pl. nom.    |ˈjakwo  |jakwɔ\\ ~ jakwə|
|white (?)     |        |jwɛ            |


Consonant clusters consist of a consonant followed by one of three non-stops /w r j/ and occur initially and medially.\\
\\

In the examples which follow, Drabbe's phonetic vowels [o u] followed by another vowel are in free variation, as may be seen in "woman/wife" and the root for "thought/feelings" /rwa/ which is the base of "hear", "ear", "intestines" (glossed also as "like" in Choi 2015: 43, cf. also Drabbe's 1949: 16 [rʏ moˈra roak] "dorstig (thirsty)", i.e. "water eat desire") and "think", and correspond to Choi's [w]. We follow Choi in interpreting this sound as medial bilabial non-stop /w/ rather than as a vowel sequence /uV oV/. In addition to the fact that clusters involving other non-stops as second members /*Cr *Cj/ exist (below,) one point in favor of an interpretation as a cluster is that Drabbe hears the second vowel as stressed:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|          |Drabbe              |Choi        |
|          |**Cw-\\ [Cu Co Cw]**|**Cw- [Cw]**|
|wind      |noˈambo             |nwambo      |
|new/recent|noˈana              |nwanana     |
|die       |doˈakʏmbo           |dwakəmbo    |
|woman/wife|duˈaβo\\ ~ doaːβo   |d̪waβo      |
|skin/bark |kwiˈka              |kwika       |
|fruit/seed|-kwa                |kwa         |
|coconut   |kuˈa                |kwa         |
|neck      |kwakʏ               |kwakə       |
|root      |ˈkwaran-ʏˈmba       |kwɔrə       |
|hear      |roˈa-bar            |rwa-βarə    |
|ear       |ruˈa-kɛ             |rwa-kɛ      |
|intestines|roˈa-ka ~ roa-k     |rwa-kə      |
|think     |roˈa-ka-do          |rwa-kə-d̪u  |
|white (?) |                    |jwɛ         |

Clusters with bilabial initials /mw pw/ have been identified before high front vowel /i/, where the existence of /w/ is not recognized by Drabbe:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|       |Drabbe |Choi             |
|       |**mi-**|**mwi- [mɯ]**    |
|rain   |mi     |mɯi              |
|husband|mi     |-mɯi             |
|       |**pi-**|**pwi- [pwi pɯ]**|
|long   |ˈpiβo  |pwiβɔ\\ ~ pɯβɯ   |

… /pw/ …:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|     |Drabbe      |Choi|
|     |**pw- [po]**|****|
|mouse|poˈar       |    |

Outcomparison to both Kimaghama and Ndom of one example in which both Drabbe and Choi give initial /mb/ shows this to represent cluster /bw/:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|      |Drabbe    |Choi      |
|      |**bw [b]**|**bw [b]**|
|bamboo|bɛː       |bɛ        |

Medial clusters with bilabials /pw mbw/ have also been found:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|         |Drabbe          |Choi                |
|         |**-pw- [β b w]**|**-pw- [βw β]**     |
|wing     |aˈβa            |aβwa(m)             |
|dig      |-oba            |oβwa                |
|hand     |taː-βat         |ta-βwatə\\ ~ ta-βatə|
|foot/sole|ka-watʲʏ-pɛːt   |ka-βatə             |
|         |**-mbo-**       |**-mbw-**           |
|quick    |amboj           |ambwɛ               |

Drabbe (1949: 3-4) posits phonemes /tr dr/, Initial /tr/ is found in at least one root (p. 220 [amba- ˈtraβʏ] "gaan halen (fetch)", [awarʏ- ˈtraβʏ] "meenemen (pick up)", cf. [amba-nʏna] "vastpakken (grab)", [awarʏ-treda] "meebringen (bring)") in which it corresponds to Kimaghama /tr/:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|       |Drabbe |Choi|
|       |**tr-**|****|
|pick up|-ˈtraβʏ|    |

Another example of initial [tr] is given elsewhere as [tʏr]:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|      |Drabbe                   |Choi       |
|      |**tʏr- ~ trʏ-**          |**tər-**   |
|speech|tʏrwa- tʏrwa\\ ~ trʏa-rʏa|tərwa-tərwa|

Somewhat better established is initial /dr/, which we follow Choi in analyzing as a cluster:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|     |Drabbe |Choi            |
|     |**dr-**|**dr- [dr d̪r]**|
|fire |drʏ    |d̪rə ~ drə      |
|canoe|drʏ    |drə ~ d̪rə      |

There is no direct evidence for a medial /j/ as there is for medial /w/, which besides occuring between two non-high vowels is often heard as occluded in Drabbe (above.) The following examples are interpreted as /j/ as the second member of a cluster analogous to those involving /w r/ (above) or as sequential vowels. One point in favor of an interpretation as a cluster is that Drabbe hears the second vowel as stressed:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|             |Drabbe      |Choi           |
|             |**Cj- [Ci]**|**Cj [Ci Cj]-**|
|tie          |miˈa        |mia            |
|dog          |niˈa        |nja(m) ~ ɲia   |
|machete      |niˈarʏ      |               |
|fish         |diˈa        |dia(m)         |
|sleep (n.)   |ˈβia-       |βia- ~ βiɛ-    |
|person       |ria         |ria            |
|sky/world (?)|naˈndʲowja  |naɲɟəβia       |
|stand        |dinianʏ-na  |dinianə        |
|full         |komˈjɛti    |kəmia          |


Generally, Kolopom final consonants are dropped in Riandana as they are in Kimaghama, but finals /m n r/ and possibly /t/ are still present in the underlying forms of the roots and can surface when the root is followed by one of several suffixes. Choi (2015: 31-33) analyzes these finals as prefixes to the following suffix, drawing an analogy to prefixed verbal objects (p. 39,) and states that they are governed by the class of the preciding nominal, even impuitng a semantic significance to these "noun classes." Unlike object prefixed verbs, which can appear in a number of syntantic positions, these allegedly agreement-inflected forms invariably follow the nominals they modify; i.e. they are suffixes, not independent words as Choi presents them. Outcomparison to Ndom, which does not drop final consonants in free forms, show them to be phonological in origin:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|          |Riandana|Ndom  |
|          |Choi    |Drabbe|
|          |**(m)** |**m** |
|wing      |aβwa(m) |xaˈfam|
|          |**(n)** |**n** |
|louse     |nəmə(n) |nɛːmʏn|
|dust/ashes|ti(n)   |-ˈtin |
|          |**(r)** |**θ** |
|blood     |jə(r)   |ɛθ    |
|          |**(r)** |**r** |
|name      |na(r)   |nar   |

The following examples illustrate contrasts between roots with final consonants and those followed by the suffixes [-ana] collective, for which Choi (2015: 32) gives the equivalent [-andwa], and [-(d)ʏmbo -(d)əmbo] of uncertain meaning:

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|              |Drabbe              |Choi        |
|              |**ø-ana**           |**ø-andwa** |
|egg           |ˈwin-ʏmb-ana        |            |
|water         |ˈru-ana\\ ro-aˈna   |rəw-andwa   |
|              |**-n-ana**          |**-n-andwa**|
|ashes/dust    |tin-aˈna            |tin-andwa   |
|              |**-t-ana**          |****        |
|firewood      |tʲʏt-aˈna           |            |
|              |**-r-ana**          |**-r-andwa**|
|body hair     |ˈrur-ana            |            |
|blood         |jɛr-aˈna            |jər-andwa   |
|saliva/spittle|jʏr-aˈna            |            |
|              |**-ø-dʏmbo**        |**-ø-dəmbo**|
|tongue        |mɛβʏ-dombo          |meβə-dəmbo  |
|tooth         |ˈtu-dʏmbo           |tu-dəmbo    |
|anus          |ˈdi-dʏmbʏ           |            |
|leaf          |kebe-dʏˈmbo         |kɛbə        |
|toe           |kaː-dʏmb            |ka-dəmbo    |
|              |**-n-ʏmbo**         |**-n-əmbo** |
|eye           |ˈan-ʏmbʏ\\ ~ an-ʏmba|an-əmbo     |
|rib(s)        |mʏrʏn-ʏmbo          |            |
|finger        |taːn-ʏmbo           |tan-əmbo    |
|pinkie        |taːn-aˈnan-\\ -ʏmbo |            |
|heart         |ˈtʲan-ʏmbʏ          |can-əmbo    |
|banana        |                    |karən-əmbo  |
|root          |ˈkwaran-ʏˈmba       |            |
|egg           |ˈwin-ʏmb-ana        |win-əmbo    |
|              |****                |**-n-əmbo** |
|body hair     |                    |run-əmbo    |


Drabbe and Choi agree that Riandana has seven vowels, but disgree about precisely what these are, with Drabbe asserting a contrast between high and low mid front vowels [e ɛ] and Choi between high and low mid back vowels [o ɔ].\\
\\

High front vowel /i/ …

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
||Drabbe|Choi|
||****  |****|
||      |    |

High back rounded vowel …

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
||Drabbe|Choi|
||****  |****|
||      |    |

Central vowel … <ö> … The same grapheme in Kimaghama is said to signify /œ/ … Drabbe's choice of a rounded symbol rather than e.g. <ĕ> to be well-considered …. Choi says mothing about the character of this sound besides that it is a mid central vowel, with the choice of <ə> suggesting an unrounded sound …

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
||Drabbe|Choi|
||****  |****|
||      |    |

Occasionally it is given as <o>, possibly due to misprints, but the example of "water" when followed by the collective suffix /-ana/ …

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
||Drabbe|Choi|
||****  |****|
||      |    |

Mid front vowel …

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
||Drabbe|Choi|
||****  |****|
||      |    |

Mid back rounded vowel … /o ɔ/ … Choi's (2015: 21) [pɔta-βota] "lie down" is particuarly relavant as it is clearly a reduplication of the root meaning "ground/below", yet the vowel is given differently in each iteration …

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
|            |Drabbe       |Choi               |
|            |**o**        |**o**              |
|house       |potʲʏ        |pocə               |
|eat/drink   |moˈra ~ -mʏra|mora               |
|mouth       |ˈdota        |dotə(r)            |
|see         |aˈβo         |aβo                |
|woman/wife  |duˈaβo       |d̪waβo             |
|            |**o oː**     |**ɔ**              |
|bad         |ˈdodo        |d̪ɔd̪ɔ             |
|head        |moˈdo        |mɔdə               |
|hit/beat    |ˈowβura      |ɔβora              |
|star        |noːtʲʏ       |nɔcə               |
|fly (v.)    |nomba        |nɔmba              |
|ground/below|pota-        |pɔtɛ-\\ ~ pɔta-βota|

Low cental vowel /a/ …

|< - 100px 100px 100px >|
||Drabbe|Choi|
||****  |****|
||      |    |


===== Pronouns =====
**[under construction]**\\
\\

Drabbe (1949: 5-6) gives Riantana pronouns in three case forms. Choi (2015: 37-38) reanalyzes some of these into four cases as follows:

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|     |Drabbe    |Drabbe  |Drabbe    |Choi           |Choi          |Choi      |Choi   |
|     |nominative|oblique |possessive|subject/agent  |object/patient|possessive|oblique|
|1 sg.|na        |nɛː     |na        |na             |nɛ            |na        |?      |
|2 sg.|ŋgʏ       |ŋgɛː    |ŋga       |ŋgə            |ŋga           |ŋga       |?      |
|3 sg.|jʏ        |enta    |ntʏ       |jə             |ŋgɛ           |n̪d̪ə     |ɛn̪d̪a |
|1 pl.|ni        |niɛː    |ni        |ni             |niɛ           |ni        |nia    |
|2 pl.|ntʲʏ      |ntʲɛː   |ntʲʏ      |ɲɟə            |ɲɟɛ           |?         |ɲɟa    |
|3 pl.|ˈjakwo    |ˈjakwota|ˈjakwʏtʏ  |jakwɔ\\ ~ jakwə|?             |?         |jakwɔta|

…\\


===== Verbal morphology =====
**[under construction]**\\
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Like Kimaghama and Ndom, Riandana stands out within Trans New Guinea in being an isolating language with almost no affixing verbal morphology, a type which Drabbe (1950: 548) labeled "Koppelwoord talen" because categories are distinguished by adposition. There is a purposive suffix /-tə/ but it is clearly the same as the allative suffix on nominals and is probably a clitic as it is sometimes given as an independent word (q.v. Choi 2015: 29-30. 48.)\\
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Choi (2015: 47-49, 59-50) gives tense and mood auxilliaries for Riantana as follows:

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|past       |wata            |
|near past  |arəta           |
|present    |ø/ndi           |
|near future|ɛn̪d̪ɛ ~ ɛn̪d̪-ə|
|future     |aka             |
|subjunctive|ka/kati         |
|adhortative|ama             |
|irrealis   |βwa             |
|prohibitive|mbi             |

Most of these auxilliaries are preposed not only to verbs but to predicates which typically consist of an absolutive nominal followed by a verb. …\\
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Choi (2015: 29-30) gives examples of verbs the stems of which change vowels to indicate realis or irrealis mood; here it seems likely that realis forms were once prefixed with a vowel [o ɔ] which has metathsized into the stem, with [ɛ] in "sleep" induced by adjacent /j/:

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|     |irrealis|realis             |
|take |amba    |ɔmba               |
|wake |namba   |nɔmba              |
|hit  |aβora   |oβora              |
|sleep|βjatəra |βjɛtəra\\ ~ βiɛtəra|

As with many other Trans New Guinea languages, there are prefixes which indicate the object of the verb; however the Riandana prefixes bears no resmblance to those of any other known system. These prefixes surface only before vowel-initial auxilliaries Choi 2015: 39):

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|1/2  |r-|
|3 sg.|n-|
|3 pl.|ø-|



===== Loans from neighboring languages =====
**[under construction]**\\
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…\\
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At least two roots look to have been borrowed from Marind to the east, though as these words have no known etymologies in Marind-Yakhai or in Fly River the direction of borrowing might be disputed:

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|         |Marind |Drabbe  |Choi    |
|moon     |*mandeu|maˈnta  |        |
|body hair|*ɾuɾ   |ˈrur-ana|run-əmbo|

Another word may be cognate but its phonology suggests the Riandana word to be original, as [β] is the medial allophone of /p/ (above) while Marind /*h/ descends from Fly River /*ɸ/ and this Marind word, which is found also in Moraori as [jɛna-du] (Drabbe 1954: 68) where the loss of Kolopom medial /*p/ woudl be regular, otherwise has no known etymology:

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|   |Marind|Drabbe|Choi |
|two|*inah |ɛˈnaβa|ɛnaβa|

A number of loans from Indonesian are found especially in Choi's texts. The retention of [h] in "year" suggests that this may not even be a proper loan but multilingualism on the part of Choi's narrator. Otherwise Indonesian sounds are assimilated to the native phonology, as is especailly conspicuous in the interpretation of [s] as [tʲ c]:

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|       |Indonesian|Drabbe |Choi    |
|knife  |pisaᵘ     |petʲʏˈɛ|        |
|year   |tahun     |       |tahun   |
|school |səkolah   |       |cakwara |
|work   |kərdʒa    |       |kərɛɟa  |
|teacher|guru      |       |ŋgurə(r)|

Another loan is presumably from Indonesian via an unknown local source and is found in other Kolopom languages, Bulaka River, Marind and others in more or less identical form (q.v. Drabbe 1949: 18, 1950: 570, 1954: 134, etc.) Choi's medial [β] is unexpected and possibly in error:

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|       |Indonesian|Drabbe |Choi  |
|tobacco|təmbakaᵘ  |ˈtamuku|ʈamuβə|