Timothy Usher, Santa Fe Institute
The Etna Bay family, also known as the Mairasi family, is comprised of three closely related languages spoken in the Bird's Neck region of Indonesia's West Papua province.
The internal classification of Etna Bay is as follows:
Etna Bay
Mairasi
Mer
Semimi
Peckham (1991: 152) calculates 62% lexical similarity between Mairasi and Semimi, or 128 cognates out of 205 comparative terms. No figures involving Mer are available.
Galis (1955-1956) 30 comparative terms for Kaniran (Mairasi)
Anceaux (1956, 1958: 119-120) 10 comparative terms for Mairasi and Etna Bay
Anceaux (n.d.) comparative vocabularies of Mairasi, Faranjao (Mairasi) and Etna Bay
Greenberg (n.d.) comparative vocabularies of Mairasi, Faranjao and Etna Bay after Anceaux (n.d.)
Voorhoeve (1975: 101) 40 comparative terms for Mairasi and Semimi after Anceaux (n.d.)
Peckham (1982) Mairasi verbal morphology
Peckham (1991) phonology of Mairasi of Lobo village
Peckham (1991: 173-180) 209 comparative terms for Mairasi, Mer and Semimi
Peckham unpublished survey vocabulary of Mer of Javor obtained in digitalized form from Paul Whitehouse via the Summer Institute of Linguistics
Peckham unpublished survey vocabulary of Semimi of Kiruru obtained in digitalized form from Paul Whitehouse via the Summer Institute of Linguistics
Walker and Peckham unpublished survey vocabulary of Mairasi obtained in digitalized form from Paul Whitehouse via the Summer Institute of Linguistics
Walker and Peckham unpublished survey vocabulary of Semimi obtained in digitalized form from Paul Whitehouse via the Summer Institute of Linguistics
Walker unpublished survey vocabulary of Mairasi of Sisir obtained in digitalized form from Paul Whitehouse via the Summer Institute of Linguistics
The close relationship between Mairasi and Semimi (Etna Bay) was first recognized by Anceaux (1956, 1958: 118,) and has not been controversial. The Mer language was included upon elicitation (Peckham 1991: 147.)
[under construction]
The external relationships of Etna Bay are unclear. … Anceaux (1956, 1958) … Greenberg (1971) … Voorhoeve (1975) … Wurm (1982) … Ross …
Proto-Etna Bay had 13 consonants and 5 vowels as follows:
| *m | *n | ||
| *ɸ | *t | *s | *k |
| *mb | *nd | *ns | *ŋg |
| *w | *ɾ | *j |
| *i | *u | |
| *e | *o | |
| *a |
Prenasalized laminal /*ns/ is uncommon.
Neither prenasalized stops /*mb *nd *ns *ŋg/ nor apical non-stop /*ɾ/ occur word-initially.
Neither final consonants nor consonant clusters occur.
Vowels may occur in any sequence except geminates. Vowel length is not phonemic. Observed sequences include:
| *i | *e | *a | *o | *u | |
| *i | — | *ia | |||
| *e | *ei | — | |||
| *a | *ai | *ae | — | *ao | *au |
| *o | *oi | — | |||
| *u | *ue | *ua | — |
All attestations below are drawn from Peckham (1991: 173-180,) with Mairasi forms also drawn from (1982 ibid., 1991 ibid.,) unless otherwise indicated. Forms drawn from Anceaux (1958, n.d.,) Greenberg (n.d.) after Anceaux or Voorhoeve (1975: 101) after Anceaux are indicated with [ja].
[under construction]
Bilabial nasal /*m/ is preserved as such in all three languages:
| Etna Bay | Mairasi | Mer | Semimi | |
| *m | m | m | m | |
| fly/maggot | *maɸoɾo | maβoɾo | maβu- | maβoɾo |
| few | *mandua | mandua | mandua | |
| swollen | *mumu | mumu | mumu | |
| village | *mundu | mundu | mundu | mundu |
| lightning | *mu[j]aɾe | mudʒeɾe | moaɾe | |
| smell (n.) | *-muna | -muna | -muna | -muna |
| finger | *(ka)-muŋga | amuŋga | ŋamuŋga | |
| elbow | *aeŋgema | -aeŋgeme | aŋgema | aeŋgema |
| two | *amoi | amoi | amoi | amoi |
| fat/grease | *tomo | -tom | -tomo | -tom |
| all | *-tumakia | -tmaʔia | -dumaga | -tumaka |
| louse | *kumai | ʔumai | kumai | kumai |
| this | *jam[i/u] | dʒamu | jami | |
| rain | *jamu | dʒamu | dʒamu |
Apical nasal /*n/ is generally preserved as such in all three languages:
| Etna Bay | Mairasi | Mer | Semimi | |
| *n | n | n | n | |
| 2 sg. poss. | *ne- | ne- | ne- | ne- |
| 3 sg. poss. | *na- | na- | na- | na- |
| sharp | *(ka)-nimbi | animbi | kanimbi | |
| breath | *-nen[a] | -nen | -nena | -nene |
| old (person) | *-naɸana | -naβana | -naβana [ja] | |
| fear/shame | *ini | inj- | i:ni | ini |
| wife | *inaɸu | inaβu | inaβu | |
| who? | *isine | isine | isine | |
| moon | *aŋgane | aŋgane | aŋgane | |
| smell (n.) | *muna | -muna | -muna | -muna |
| one | *tana | -tana | -dana | tan |
| chest | *nsina | -nsina [ja] | -nsina [ja] | |
| person | *kaniau | ʔanoug | kaniau | kaniau |
| long | *ŋgana | -ŋgana | -ŋgana |
In segments of the form /*VnVk/, /*n/ is coalesced with following /*k/ to yield /ŋg/ in Mairasi (below.)
Some examples of initial segment /*na/ are interpreted as representing the third person singular possessor /*na-/ (below.) This might not be correct in all instances:
| Etna Bay | Mairasi | Mer | Semimi | |
| *(na)-… | (na)-… | (na)-… | (na)-… | |
| fat/grease | *(na)-tomo | na-tom | na-tomo | na-tom |
| bone | *(na)-tuɾa | na-tuɾa | na-tuɾa | |
| hair/feather | *(na)-suɾu | na-suɾu | na-suɾu | na-suɾu |
As geminate vowels do not occur, it's possible that some of these roots have an underlying intial vowel /*a/ which is not discernible in these constructions.
Bilabial fricative /*ɸ/ is preserved as such in all three languages. Word-medial /ɸ/ is lenited to voiced [β] in Mairasi (Peckham 1982: 92, 1991: 127) and Mer, and sometimes in Semimi:
| Etna Bay | Mairasi | Mer | Semimi | |
| *ɸ- | ɸ | ɸ [ɸ β] | ɸ | |
| throw | *ɸi | ɸi- | ɸi- | ɸi- |
| fly (v.) | *ɸi | ɸi- | ɸi | |
| sand | *ɸiɾi | ɸiɾi | ɸiɾi | |
| split | *ɸa | ɸa- | ɸa- | ɸa- |
| water | *ɸat[e] | ɸata | ɸate | |
| thick | *ɸatoɾo | ɸatoɾo | ɸatoɾo | |
| good | *ɸansi | βanzi | ɸansi | |
| word | *ɸaɾiɾi | ɸaɾiɾi | ||
| speak | *ɸaɸaɾiɾi | ɸaβaɾiɾdʒ- | ɸaβaɾi | ɸaβaɾiɾi |
| blow | *ɸu[ɾu] | ɸu- | ɸuɾu- | ɸuɾu- |
| *-ɸ- | ɸ [β] | ɸ [β] | ɸ [ɸ β] | |
| ear | *-ɸiɾa | -βiɾa | -βiɾa | -βiɾa |
| hand/arm | *-ɸaka | -βaga | -ɸaka ≈ -βaka | |
| big | *-ɸueɾe | -βweɾe | -βweɾe | -βweɾe |
| belly | *-ɸuɾu | -vuru [ja] | -βuɾu | -βuɾu |
| hear | *iɸi- | iβdʒ- | iβ- | iβ- |
| fire | *iɸoɾo | iβoɾo | iβoɾo | iɸoɾo ≈ iβoɾo |
| five | *iɸoɾo | iβoɾo | iβoɾo | iβoɾo |
| wife | *inaɸu | inaβu | inaβu | |
| woman | *eɸei | eβei | -eɸei | |
| garden | *aɸ[e/a]ɾ[e/a] | aβaɾa | aβe | |
| fly/maggot | *maɸoɾo | maβoɾo | maβu- | maβoɾo |
| speak | *ɸaɸaɾiɾi | ɸaβaɾiɾdʒ- | ɸaβaɾi | ɸaβaɾiɾi |
| old (person) | *naɸana | -naβana | -naβana [ja] | |
| lie down/sleep | *teɸi | teβdʒ- | teβi- | teβi |
| urine | *taɸu | taβu [ja] | taβu [ja] | |
| tongue | *saɸia | -saβia | -saβi | -saβi |
| fingernail | *saɸuɾa | -saβuɾa | -saβuɾa | |
| blunt/dull | *suɸu | suβu | suβu | |
| white | *kaɾaɸuɾu | -gɾaβuɾu | -kaɾaɸuɾu | |
| yellow | *koɸa | -ʔoβo | -goga [sic] | -koβa |
| man/male | *koɸo | -ʔoβo | -koβo | |
| burn | *waɸi | waβi- | waβi- | waβi- |
| stone | *jaɸutu | dʒaβutu | dʒaβutu | |
| sit | *joɸ[e] | dʒoɸe- | joɸ- | joɸ- |
One example is irregular, with Semimi initial /*ɸ/ answered by /mb/ [b] in both Mairasi and Mer in the manner of a reduplication:
| Etna Bay | Mairasi | Mer | Semimi | |
| *ɸ | mb [b] | mb [b] | ɸ | |
| pig | *[ɸ]embe | bembe | bembe | ɸembe |
Apical plain stop /*t/ is preserved as such in all three languages. Word-medial /t/ is optionally lenited to plain voiced [d] in Mer:
| Etna Bay | Mairasi | Mer | Semimi | |
| *t- | t | t | t | |
| lie down/sleep | *teɸi | teβdʒ- | teβi- | teβi |
| weep/cry | *teta | teta- | teta | teta |
| sun | *tende | tende | tende | |
| urine | *taɸu | taβu [ja] | taβu [ja] | |
| fly (n.) | *tambuɾa | tambuɾa [ja] | tambuɾa | |
| one | *tana | tana | -dana | tan |
| child | *tato | tato | tato | |
| *-t- | t | t [t d] | t | |
| smooth | *(ka)-teɾase | kadeɾaza | kateɾase | |
| wet | *(ka)-toɾo[u] | atoɾoug | -katoɾo | |
| fat/grease | *-tomo | -tom | -tomo | -tom |
| heart | *-tu | -tu | -tu | -tu |
| all | *-tumakia | -tmaʔia | -dumaga | -tumaka |
| bone | *-tuɾa | -tuɾa | -tuɾa | |
| egg | *ete | ete | ede | ete |
| fish | *uɾatu | uɾatu | uɾatu | |
| name | *u[w]ata | ʔgʷata | wata | -wata |
| water | *ɸat[e] | ɸata | ɸate | |
| thick | *ɸatoɾo | ɸatoɾo | ɸatoɾo | |
| eye | *mbiatu | -mbutu | -mbiatu | -mbiatu |
| weep/cry | *teta | teta- | teta | teta |
| child | *tato | tato | tato | |
| house/hut | *wata | wata | wata | wata |
| stone | *jaɸutu | dʒaβutu | dʒaβutu |
Laminal /*s/ is preserved as such in all three languages. Word-medial /s/ is optionally lenited to voiced [z] in Mer:
| Etna Bay | Mairasi | Mer | Semimi | |
| *s- | s | s | s | |
| mosquito | *simb… | simboʔo | simbene | |
| thunder | *sini-kuɾu | siŋguɾu | siniguɾu | sinikuɾu |
| salt | *siɾa | siɾa | siɾa | |
| bird | *sai | sai | sai | sai |
| meat | *sasi | sasi | sasi | sasi |
| blunt/dull | *suɸu | suβu | suβu | |
| *-s- | s | s [s z] | s | |
| tongue | *-saɸia | -saβia | -saβi | -saβi |
| fingernail | *saɸuɾa | -saβuɾa | -saβuɾa | |
| hair/feather | *-suɾu | -suɾu | -suɾu | -suɾu |
| who? | *isine | isine | isine | |
| rat | *isisi | isisi | isisi | isisi |
| blood | *iseɾe | iseɾe | iseɾe | |
| same | *asasa | asasa | azaza | asasa |
| walk/go | *oso | osw- | oso ≈ osw- | |
| smooth | *(ka)-teɾase | kadeɾaza | kateɾase | |
| meat | *sasi | sasi | sasi | sasi |
| sing | *kasao | asao | kazau | kasao |
| tooth | *ɾasi | -ɾasi | -ɾasi | -ɾasi |
| earth/ground | *wasas[i/e] | waɾase | wasasi |
Velar plain stop /*k/ is reflected as glottal stop /ʔ/ [ʔ ø] in Mairasi (Peckham 1991: 152-153.) Word-medial /k/ is typically lenited to plain voiced [g] in Mer:
| Etna Bay | Mairasi | Mer | Semimi | |
| *k- | ʔ [ʔ ø] | k | k | |
| 2 pl. | *ke(-me) | ʔe(-me) | kene [sic.] | keme |
| dry | *keŋge | ʔeŋge | keŋge | |
| path | *kae | ʔae | kae | kai [lp], kae [ja] |
| person | *kaniau | ʔanoug | kaniau | kaniau |
| sing | *kasao | asao | kazau | kasao |
| three | *kaɾia | ʔaɾia | kaɾia | kaɾia |
| many | *kondo | ʔondo | kondo | kondo |
| neck/throat | *koŋgo | ʔoŋgo | koko | koŋgo |
| louse | *kumai | ʔumai | kumai | kumai |
| stick | *kukuja | ʔuʔia | kugujei | kukuidʒa |
| *-k- | ʔ [ʔ ø] | k [k g] | k | |
| skin/bark | *-kia | ʔia | -kia | |
| white | *-kaɾaɸuɾu | -gɾaβuɾu | -kaɾaɸuɾu | |
| yellow | *koɸa | -ʔoβo | -goga [sic] | -koβa |
| man/male | *-koɸo | -ʔoβo | -koβo | |
| foot/leg | *-koɾa | -ʔoɾ | -koɾa | -koɾ- |
| hand/arm | *ɸaka | -βaga | -ɸaka | |
| all | *tumakia | -tmaʔia | -dumaga | -tumaka |
| stick | *kukuja | ʔuʔia | kugujei | kukuidʒa |
| banana | *we[i]ki | weʔi | weiki | |
| leech | *wakia | waʔia | wagi | wakia |
| worm | *waka | waga | waka | |
| stab | *wako | waʔo- | wago- | wako- |
| cheek | *wakua | waʔua [ja] | uakua [ja] |
Where medial /*k/ is followed by high back rounded vowel /*u/, the segment /ʔu/ is realized as [ʔgu gu] in Mairasi:
| Etna Bay | Mairasi | Mer | Semimi | |
| *-k-/u | ʔ [ʔg g] | k [g] | k [k g] | |
| breast | *joku | dʒogu | dʒogu | dʒogu |
In segments of the form /*VnVk/, /*k/ is coalesced with previous /*n/ to yield Mairasi /Vŋg/ (Peckham 1991: 152-153.) Both known examples are compounds:
| Etna Bay | Mairasi | Mer | Semimi | |
| *VnVk | Vŋg | VnVk [VnVg] | VnVk | |
| one | *tana-kau | taŋgau | tanakau | |
| thunder | *sini-kuɾu | siŋguɾu | siniguɾu | sinikuɾu |
Some examples of initial segment /*ka/ appear to be morphological in origin, with /*ka-/ designating an impersonal possessor, as in part-of-whole contructions, or the referent of an adjective. This /*ka-/ is dropped when a personal possessor (e.g. /*na-/ 3 sg. above) is present, or when the root appears as the second member of a compound:
| Etna Bay | Mairasi | Mer | Semimi | |
| (*ka)-… | (ʔa)-… | (ka)-… | (ka)-… | |
| smell (n.) | *(na)-muna | na-muna | ||
| smell (n.) | *(ka)-muna | ʔa-muna | ka-muna | |
| big (person) | *(na)-ɸueɾe | na-βweɾe | na-βweɾe | na-βweɾe |
| big (thing) | *(ka)-ɸueɾe | a-bueɾe [ja] | ka-uɸueɾe [ja] | |
| heart | *-tu | na-tu | ne-tu | o-tu |
| fruit/seed | *(ka)-tu | ʔa-tu | ka-tu | |
| 1 pl. incl. | *(e)-tumakia | e-tmaja [ja] | e-dumaga | e-tumaka [ja] |
| all | *(ka)-tumakia | ʔa-tmaʔia | ka-tumaka | |
| finger | *-nda | (o-βaka-)nda | ||
| branch | *(ka)-nda | ʔanda | kanda | |
| fingernail | *-saɸuɾa | ne-saβuɾa | ||
| fingernail | *(ka)-saɸuɾa | ka-saβuɾa | ||
| skin/bark | *(na)-kia | na-iʔa [ja] | ||
| skin/bark | *(ka)-kia | ka-kia |
This phenomenon is undocumented in the works of Peckham (1982, 1991a, b,) and there are a number of examples in which it's unclear whether /*ka/ is part of the root. Provisionally, we assume them to be separable, but this might not be correct in all instances:
| Etna Bay | Mairasi | Mer | Semimi | |
| *ka-… | ʔa-… | ka-… | ka-… | |
| leaf | *(ka)-eɾe | ʔa-eɾe | ka-aɾe | ka-eɾe |
| new | *(ka)-oa | ʔa-o | ka-owa | |
| finger | *(ka)-muŋga | a-muŋga | -muŋga | |
| sharp | *(ka)-nimbi | a-nimbi | ka-nimbi | |
| smooth | *(ka)-teɾase | ka-deɾaza | ka-teɾase | |
| wet | *(ka)-toɾo[u] | a-toɾoug | -ka-toɾo |
As geminate vowels do not occur, it's possible that some of these roots have an underlying intial vowel /*a/ which is not discernible in constructions with /*ka-/ or third person singular /*na-/.
Bilabial prenasalized stop /*mb/ …:
| Etna Bay | Mairasi | Mer | Semimi | |
| *mb | mb | mb | mb | |
| turn | *mboi | boi | boi | |
| nose | *-mbi | -mbi | -mbi | |
| eye | *-mbiatu | -mbutu | -mbiatu | -mbiatu |
| star | *umbuɾia | umbuɾia | umbuɾi | umbuɾia |
| pig | *[ɸ]embe | bembe | bembe | ɸembe |
| sharp | *(ka)-nimbi | animbi | kanimbi | |
| fly (n.) | *tambuɾa | tambuɾa [ja] | tambuɾa | |
| mosquito | *simb… | simboʔo | simbene | |
| stand | *jambiɾi | dʒambiɾdʒ- | jambiɾj- | jambiɾi |
Apical prenasalized stop /*nd/ …:
| Etna Bay | Mairasi | Mer | Semimi | |
| *nd | nd | nd | nd | |
| branch | *(ka)-nda | ʔanda | kanda | |
| few | *mandua | mandua | mandua | |
| village | *mundu | mundu | mundu | mundu |
| sun | *tende | tende | tende | |
| many | *kondo | ʔondo | kondo | kondo |
Laminal prenasalized /*ns/ …:
| Etna Bay | Mairasi | Mer | Semimi | |
| *ns | ns | nz | ns | |
| chest | *-nsina | -nsina [ja] | -nsina [ja] | |
| dog | *ansi | ansi | anzi | ansi |
| good | *ɸansi | βanzi | ɸansi |
The term for “dog” is a loan from Indonesian (Peckham CITE.)
Velar prenasalized stop /*ŋg/ …:
| Etna Bay | Mairasi | Mer | Semimi | |
| *ŋg | ŋg | ŋg [ŋg k] | ŋg | |
| long | *-ŋgana | -ŋgana | -ŋgana | |
| elbow | *aeŋgema | -aeŋgeme | aŋgema | aeŋgema |
| moon | *aŋgane | aŋgane | aŋgane | |
| cough | *uŋgu[k/ŋg]u | ʔuŋguŋgʷ- | uŋgugu- | uŋguku |
| finger | *(ka)-muŋga | -amuŋga | -ŋamuŋga | |
| dry | *keŋge | ʔeŋge | keŋge | |
| neck/throat | *koŋgo | ʔoŋgo | koko | koŋgo |
… /*w/ …:
| Etna Bay | Mairasi | Mer | Semimi | |
| *w | w | w | w | |
| night | *wei | wei | wei | |
| banana | *we[i]ki | weʔi | weiki | |
| burn | *waɸi | waβi- | waβi- | waβi- |
| house/hut | *wata | wata | wata | wata |
| earth/ground | *wasas[i/e] | waɾase | wasasi | |
| leech | *wakia | waʔia | wagi | wakia |
| worm | *waka | waga | waka | |
| stab | *wako | waʔo- | wago- | wako- |
| cheek | *wakua | waʔua [ja] | uakua [ja] |
Apical non-stop /*ɾ/ is generally retained as such in all three languages. It is very common medially, but has not been observed to occur word-initially:
| Etna Bay | Mairasi | Mer | Semimi | |
| *ɾ | ɾ | ɾ | ɾ | |
| tooth | *-ɾasi | -ɾasi | -ɾasi | -ɾasi |
| know | *-ɾoɾo | -ɾoɾo | -ɾoɾo | |
| fire | *iɸoɾo | iβoɾo | iβoɾo | iɸoɾo ≈ iβoɾo |
| five | *iɸoɾo | iβoɾo | iβoɾo | iβoɾo |
| blood | *iseɾe | iseɾe | iseɾe | |
| excrement | *iɾi | iɾi [ja] | iɾi [ja] | |
| leaf | *(ka)-eɾe | ʔaeɾe | kaaɾe | kaeɾe |
| star | *umbuɾia | umbuɾia | umbuɾi | umbuɾia |
| fish | *uɾatu | uɾatu | uɾatu | |
| fly/maggot | *maɸoɾo | maβoɾo | maβu- | maβoɾo |
| lightning | *mu[j]aɾe | mudʒeɾe | moaɾe | |
| sand | *ɸiɾi | ɸiɾi | ɸiɾi | |
| ear | *ɸiɾa | -βiɾa | -βiɾa | -βiɾa |
| thick | *ɸatoɾo | ɸatoɾo | ɸatoɾo | |
| word | *ɸaɾiɾi | ɸaɾiɾi- | ||
| speak | *ɸaɸaɾiɾi | ɸaβaɾiɾdʒ- | ɸaβaɾi | ɸaβaɾiɾi |
| big | *ɸueɾe | -βweɾe | -βweɾe | -βweɾe |
| belly | *ɸuɾu | -vuru [ja] | -βuɾu | -βuɾu |
| smooth | *(ka)-teɾase | kadeɾaza | kateɾase | |
| fly (n.) | *tambuɾa | tambuɾa [ja] | tambuɾa | |
| wet | *(ka)-toɾo[u] | atoɾoug | -katoɾo | |
| bone | *tuɾa | -tuɾa | -tuɾa | |
| thunder | *sini-kuɾu | siŋguɾu | siniguɾu | sinikuɾu |
| salt | *siɾa | siɾa | siɾa | |
| fingernail | *saɸuɾa | -saβuɾa | -saβuɾa | |
| hair/feather | *suɾu | -suɾu | -suɾu | -suɾu |
| three | *kaɾia | ʔaɾia | kaɾia | kaɾia |
| white | *kaɾaɸuɾu | -gɾaβuɾu | -kaɾaɸuɾu | |
| foot/leg | *koɾa | -ʔoɾ | -koɾa | -koɾ- |
| stand | *jambiɾi | dʒambiɾdʒ- | jambiɾj- | jambiɾi |
In a few instances, postthematic /*ɾ/ is dropped in Mer under unknown conditions:
| Etna Bay | Mairasi | Mer | Semimi | |
| *ɾ | ɾ | ø | ɾ | |
| garden | *aɸ[e/a]ɾ[e/a] | aβaɾa | aβe | |
| fly/maggot | *maɸoɾo | maβoɾo | maβu- | maβoɾo |
… /*j/ …:
| Etna Bay | Mairasi | Mer | Semimi | |
| *j | j [dʒ] | j [dʒ] | j [dʒ] | |
| this | *jam[i/u] | dʒamu | jami | |
| rain | *jamu | dʒamu | dʒamu | |
| stone | *jaɸutu | dʒaβutu | dʒaβutu | |
| stand | *jambiɾi | dʒambiɾdʒ- | jambiɾj- | jambiɾi |
| wash | *ja[k/ŋg]- | dʒaŋg- | jag- | jak- |
| sit | *joɸ[e] | dʒoɸe- | joɸ- | joɸ- |
| breast | *joku | dʒogu | dʒogu | dʒogu |
…
| Etna Bay | Mairasi | Mer | Semimi |
| * | |||
…
Etna Bay free pronouns are reconstructed as follows, with forms drawn from Peckham (1982: 75-76, 80-82, 1991: 178, 1991 ibid., Walker and Peckham n.d.) and Mairasi and Semimi inclusives from Anceaux:
| Etna Bay | Mairasi | Mer | Semimi | |
| 1 sg. | *o-mo | o-mo | o-mo | o-mo |
| 2 sg. | *ne-me | ne-me | ne-me | ne-me |
| 3 sg. | *na-ni | na-ni | — | ni-ni |
| 1 pl. | *e-me | e:-me | ? | e-me |
| 1 pl. incl. | *e-tumakia | e-tmaja [ja] | e-dumaga | e-tumaka [ja] |
| 2 pl. | *ke-me | ʔe-me | ke-ne [sic] | ke-me |
| 3 pl. | ? | na-ʔen | — | ni-ŋgi |
(Peckham's Mer third persons are demonstrative phrases and are not included here.)
…
[under construction]
… possessive …:
| Etna Bay | Mairasi | Mer | Semimi | |
| 1 sg. | *o- | o- | o- | |
| 2 sg. | *ne- | ne- | ne- | |
| 3 sg. | *na- | na- | na- | na- |
| 1 pl. | *e- | e- | e- | e- |
| 2 pl. | *ke- | ʔe- | ||
| 3 pl. | ? | ne- |
In addition to these, there is an impersonal possessor /*ka-/ which appears on adjectives and in part-of-whole constructions (above.)
[under construction]
…