Timothy Usher, Santa Fe Institute
[under construction]
The Keram River family consists of five languages spoken to either side of the Keram river, a tributary of the Sepik, east of the Yuat river and west of the Ramu river in Papua New Guinea's East Sepik province (q.v. ….). Its nearest relative is the Ramu River family immediately to the east.
The internal classification of the Keram River family is as follows:
Keram River
East Keram River
Ambakich
Ap Ma
West Keram River
Ulwa
Mwakai
Pondi
Laycock (1971) comparative vocabularies of Mongol (Mwakai,) Langam (Pondi) and Yaul (Ulwa) villages
Laycock (n.d.) Aion (Ambakich) (unobtained)
Ross (CITE) pronouns for Aion following Laycock (n.d.)
Laycock and Z'graggen (1975: 758-759) pronouns for Kambot (Ap Ma)
Wade (1981: 15-29) 163 comparative terms for Botin (Ap Ma) of Samban, Punyaten, Simbir, Raten, Yamen, Lol, Wom, Kektom, Krogopa, Bobten, Kambot, Kambaramba, Bobaten, Pamban and Kambuku villages
Wade (1983) phonology of Botin of Samban village
Wade (1983) dictionary of Botin of Samban village
Wade (1984) grammar of Botin of Samban village
Wade (1994) sketch phonology of Botin of Samban village
Abbot (1985: 329-336) 95 comparative terms for Kambot of Kambaramba village
Pryor and Farr (1989) deictics of Botin of Samban and Paiñiten villages (Central dialect)
Pryor (1990) Botin deictics
Adam (n.d.) vocabulary of Kambaramba (Ap Ma) provided in spreadshet form by Paul Whitehouse via the Summer Institute of Linguistics
Sanders (n.d.) vocabulary of Aion provided in spreadshet form by Paul Whitehouse via the Summer Institute of Linguistics
Potter, Lambrecht, Alemán and Janzen (2008: 60-65) 156 comparative terms for Ambakich of Yaut, Agurant, Ombos, Pangin and Arango villages
Barlow (2018) grammar of and 1,171 terms for Ulwa of Manu (Nɨmalmu) village
Barlow (2018) 483 comparative terms for Ulwa, Mwakai and Pondi
Barlow (2019) grammar sketch of Pondi of Langam (Amonan) village
Barlow (2019) grammar skecth of Mwakai of Mongol village
Barlow (2019) 757 comparative terms for Ulwa of Manu (Nɨmalmu) village, Mwakai of Mongol village, Pondi of Langam (Amonan) village, Ambakich of Yaut village and Ap Ma of Yamen village
(We thank Pioneer Bible Translators of Madang for access to Wade's materials.)
[under construction]
Z'graggen (1971: PAGE, 14) … Aion (Ambakich) and Kambot (Ap Ma) are each tentatively linked to the Ramu Phylum as first order members … Adjora (Abu) and Gorovu forming the Agoan (i.e. Porapora River) subgroup of the Ramu Phylum … Banaro (Waran) tentatively placed with the Annaberg (i.e. Middle Ramu River) subgroup …
Laycock (197:3: PAGE) … Mongol-Langam Family and Grass Family … The Grass Family consisted of Aion and Kambot as well as Adjora and Gorovu, with these four held to be coordinate to Banaro in the larger Grass Stock… Mongol-Langam was placed with Laycock's Yuat Family (i.e. Middle Yuat River) … Grass was treated as a member of the Ramu Super-Stock, with both of these related only within the higher level Ramu Sub-Phylum .
Ross …
Foley (2005) …
Foley (2017: 205-206) modifies Grass to include four subgroups, Porapora, including Ambakich as well as Abu and Gorovu, Koam (West Keram River,) Banaro and Ap Ma. “In Foley (2005), the Koam languages were not included in the Grass family, but material on these languages which has since become availableto me supports the view that they belong there, as they show clear innovations in their pronominal systems shared with other Grass languages.” Foley correctly denies Laycock's (1973: PAGE) claim that the Mongol-Langam belongs with Yuat River, but … “Although its membership withinthe larger Lower Sepik-Ramu family seems secure, its inclusion within the Ramu family is debatable.”
Barlow (2018: PAGE) asserts that the Ulmapo (i.e. West Keram) family is not demonstrably related to any other families, but has since been convinced by the claims of this website and has been collaborating to reconstruct proto-Keram River and demonstrate its relationship to Ramu River.
Our research shows the Grass Stock and Family to be invalid. Abu and Gorovu, which together constitute the Porapora River family, show no special relationship either to Ambakich and Ap Ma or to Waran but are more closely related to the Guam and Moam Rivers subgroup of Ramu River. Waran is likewise a member of Ramu River but appears to be a primary branch thereof. Ambakich and Ap Ma, on the other hand, do form a valid group, East Keram River, which is most immediately related to Laycock's Mongol-Langam Family which we call West Keram River. This combined Keram River family is related to Ramu River but is not a member thereof; instead these two groups form the Keram and Ramu Rivers family.
[under construction]
Proto-Keram River had 13 consonants and perhaps 6 vowels as follows:
| *m | *n | ||
| *p | *t | *s | *k |
| *mb | *nd | *ndz | *ŋg |
| *w | *ɺ | *j |
| *i | *ɨ | *u |
| *e | *o | |
| *a |
…
…
…
Initial consonants correspond as follows:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *m- | ||
| *n- | ||
| *p- | ||
| *t- | ||
| *s- | ||
| *k- | ||
| *mb- | ||
| *nd- | ||
| *nd-/_V# | ||
| *ndz-/_V# | ||
| *ŋg- | ||
| *ŋg-/_V# | ||
| *w- | ||
| *j- |
Medial consonants correspond as follows:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *-m- | *m | *m |
| *-n- | *n | *n |
| *-p- | *p | *p |
| *-t- | *t | *t |
| *-s- | *s | *s |
| *-k- | *k | *k |
| *-mb- | *mb | *mb |
| *-nd- | *nd | *nd |
| *-ndz- | *ndz | *ndz |
| *-ŋg- | *ŋg | *ŋg |
| *-w- | *w | *w |
| *-ɺ- | *ɺ | *ɺ |
| *-j- |
Final consonants correspond as follows:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *-m | ||
| *-n | ||
| *-p | ||
| *-t | ||
| *-s | ||
| *-k | ||
| *-w | *w | *w |
| *-ɺ | *ɺ | *ɺ |
| *-j | *j | *j |
Vowels correpspond as follows:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *… |
These correspondences are exemplified as follows.
Probably any consonant could occur initially. Initial apical non-stop /*ɺ/ has not been establishned at the proto-Keram River level, but it is found in both subgroups.
Initial bilabial nasal /*m/ is retained as such in both subgroups
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *m- | *m | *m |
| *… |
Initial apical nasal /*n/ is retained as such in both subgroups:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *n- | *n | *n |
| *… |
Initial bilabial voiceless stop /*p/ …
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *p- | ||
| *… |
Initial apical voiceless stop /*t/ is fricated to laminal /*s/ in West Keram River:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *t- | *t | *s |
| *… |
Initial laminal voiceless /*s/ is retained as such in both subgroups:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *s- | *s | *s |
| *… |
Initial velar voiceless stop /*k/ is retained as such in both subgroups:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *k- | *k | *k |
| *… |
Initial bilabial prenasalized voiced stop /*mb/ in roots with more than one syllable is devoiced to /*p/ in West Keram River:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *mb- | *mb- | *p- |
| *… |
Presumably initial /*mb/ would not be devoiced in monosyllables (see /*nd *ndz *ŋg/ but, probably by coincidence, no examples have yet been found.
Initial apical prenasalized voiced stop /*nd/ in roots with more than one syllable is first devoiced to /*t/ in West Keram River before mergin with laminal /*s/ (see initial /*t/ above):
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *nd- | *nd | *s |
| *… |
Initial /*nd/ in monosyllables is retained as such in both subgroups:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *nd/_V# | *nd | *nd |
| *… |
Initial laminal prenesalized voiced stop /*ndz/ has been found in only one root which is a monosyllable:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *… | ||
| *… |
Presumably initial /*ndz/ in a roots iwht more than one syllable would become /*s/ in West Keram River, but no examples have yet been found.
Initial velar prenaasalized voiced stop /*ŋg/ in roots wiht more than one syllable is devoiced to /*k/ in West Keram River:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *ŋg- | *ŋg | *k |
| *… |
Intiial /*ŋg/ in monosyllables is retained ass uch in both subgroups:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *ŋg-/_V# | *ŋg | *ŋg |
| *… |
Initial bilabial non-stop /*w/ is retained as such in both subgroups:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *w- | *w | *w |
| *… |
Initial apical non-stop /*ɺ/ exists in both subgroups, but is uncommon and, probably by coincidence, no examples at the proto-Keram River level have yet been found.
Intiial palatal non-stop /*j/ …:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *j- | ||
| *… |
…
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *… | ||
| *… |
… medial consonants …
Medial bilabial nasal /*m/ is retained as such in both subgroups:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *-m- | *m | *m |
| *… |
Medial apical nasal /*n/ is retained ass uch in both subgroups:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *-n- | *n | *n |
| *… |
Medial bilabial voiceless stop /*p/ is retained as such in both subgroups:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *-p- | *p | *p |
| *… |
Medial apical voiceless stop /*t/ is retained as such in both subgroups:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *-t- | *t | *t |
| *… |
Medial velar voiceless stop '/*k/ is retained as suhc in both subgroups:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *-k- | *k | *k |
| *… |
Medial bilabial prenasaliezd voiced stop /*mb/ is retained as suhc in both subgroups:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *-mb- | *mb | *mb |
| *… |
Medial apical prenasalized voiced stop /*nd/ is retained as such in both subgroups
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *-nd- | *nd | *nd |
| *… |
Medial laminal prenasalized voiced /*ndz/ is uncommon. It is retained as such in both subgroups:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *-ndz- | *ndz | *ndz |
| *… |
Medial velar prenasalized voiced stop /*ŋg/ is retained as such in both subgroups:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *-ŋg- | *ŋg | *ŋg |
| *… |
Medial bilabial non-stop /*w/ is retained as such in both subgroups:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *-w- | *w | *w |
| *… |
Medial apical non-stop /*ɺ/ is retained as such in both subgroups:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *-ɺ- | *ɺ | *ɺ |
| *… |
Medial palatal non-stop /*j/ …:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *-j- | ||
| *… |
… final consonants …
Final bilabial nasal /*m/ …:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *-m | ||
| *… |
Final apical nasal /n/ …:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *-n | ||
| *… |
Final bibalabial voiceless stop /*p/ …:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *-p | ||
| *… |
Final apical voiceless sotp /*t/ …:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *-t | ||
| *… |
Final laminal voiceless /*s/ …:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *-s | ||
| *… |
Final velar voiceless stop /*k/ …:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *-k | ||
| *… |
Final bilabial non-stop /*w/ …:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *-w | ||
| *… |
Final apical non-stop /*ɺ/ …:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *-ɺ | ||
| *… |
Final palatal non-stop /*j/ …:
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram |
| *-j | ||
| *… |
… vowels …
…
…
Keram River pronouns are reconstructed as follows::
| Keram River | East Keram | West Keram | |
| 1 sg. | *ni | *ni | *ni |
| 2 sg. | *u(-n) | *[o/u]n | *u |
| 3 sg. | *ma/*mɨ | *ma/*mɨ | *mɨ/*ma- |
| 1 pl. | *anɨ | *anɨ | *an |
| 2 pl. | *unɨ | *[o/u]nɨ | *un |
| 3 pl. | ? | *aLɨ | *ndɨ |
| 1 dl. | *a-ŋgVn | — | *a-ŋgVn |
| 2 dl. | *u-ŋgVn | — | *u-ŋgVn |
| 3 dl. | *m[i]n[ɨ] | — | *min |
The originality of the dual forms, the first and second persons of which are found in West Keram River only in Ulwa, is supported by the presence of cognate forms throughout Keram River's nearest relative, Ramu River.
[under construction]
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