Table of Contents

Kapauri-Sause

Timothy Usher, Santa Fe Institute

Situation

The Kapauri-Sause family consists of two languages, Kapauri (Kapaori, Kapori) and Sause, spoken along and north of the middle Taritatu (Idenburg) river in the Airu and Nimboran districts of Jayapura regency in Indonesia's Papua province (q.v. Menanti and Rumaropen 2009: 3.)

Subclassification

The internal classification of Kapauri-Sause is as follows:

Kapauri-Sause

Kapauri

Sause

Sources

Voorhoeve (1975: 115) 23 comparative terms for Sause after Anceaux and 38 comparative terms for Kapori after Bromley (n.d.)

Smits and Voorhoeve (1994: 18-266) 121 comparative terms for Sause of Guai village after Anceaux (n.d.)

de Vries (1976) 175 comparative terms for Sause of Sause village

Walker (1978) 110 comparative terms for Sause of Sause and Ures villages

Barr and Walker (1978: 11-14) 110 comparative terms for Sause of Sause and Ures villages after Walker (1978)

Dommel (1985) 175 comparative terms for of Sause of Sebum/Lereh village

Wambaliau (2008) 260 comparative terms for Sause of Sebum and Ures villages

Menanti and Rumaropen (2009: 23-30 ) 260 comparative terms for Kapauri of Pagai village

History of classification

Voorhoeve (1975a: 45) placed Kapori (Kapauri) and Sause alongside the Kaure Family, consisting at that time of Kaure and Narau, in a Kaure Stock. The Kaure Stock was further asserted to constitute a Subphylum-level Stock within the much larger Trans-New Guinea Phylum (1975b: 422-423,) a classification followed by Wurm (1982: 197) who added the recently-documented Kosare language to the Kaure Family. No arguments were presented in support of this proposal save for what is visible in the accompanying 40-term wordlists (1975a: 114-115.) Wurm characterizes the degree of relationship between Kapori, Sause and the Kaure Family as “on the low stock level” in contrast to the “lower medium to high family level” relationship uniting Kaure, Narau and Kosare.

Voorhoeve (1975b: 423) states, “Outside the stock, the closest relative of the Kaure language seems to be Kwerba of the Dani-Kwerba Stock.” As formulated, this is certainly untrue, however was likely meant to read as something closer to Wurm's assertion that the Kaure Stock's (as opposed to the Kaure language's) “strongest [lexical links] are with Kwerba of the Dani-Kwerba Stock.” The Dani-Kwerba Stock was Voorhoeve's (1975a: 35-38, 1975b: 400-406, Wurm 1982: 149-151) proposal to unite Dani (Balim Valley) on the one hand with Kwerba, Samarokena and Saberi (Isirawa) constituting a northern division on the other.

In recent years, Voorhoeve's classification has been modified or abandoned by most Papuan taxonomists. Silzer and Heikkinen (1984: 31) retain Kapori (Kapauri) in Voorhoeve's Kaure stock but (p. 41) move Sause into Voorhoeve's Tor-Lakes Plains stock, a conflation of Orya-Tor River with the unrelated Lakes Plains, most likely based upon to the vocabularies of Barr and Walker (1978: 11-14) as referenced which show a number of loans between Sause and Orya; this classification is reiterated in Silzer and Heikkinen-Clouse (1991: 28-29.)

Hammarström (2010: 188, 191-192) considers both Kapauri and Sause to be isolates. While Foley (2017: 469- 472) tentatively lists Sause as a member of the Tor (Orya-Tor River) family within the largr Kwerba-Tor family, following a brief lexical comparison of Oyra-Tor languages he writes (p. 471-472,) “On the basis of these data it seems unlikely that Sause is a Tor language at all…it also has no obvious cognates with the languages of the Kwerba family…I conclude that Sause is probably yet another isolate, in accord with the skepticism expressed in Hammarström (2010b.) This is not too surprising as Sause is spoken away from the main area of the Tor languages, sandwiched between Foau,a member of the Lakes Plain family, and Kapauri, an aberrant member of the Kaure family that is also probably an isolate.”

Of Voorhoeve's (1975) Kaure Stock, we find that Kapauri and Sause form one group and Kaure (and its Narau dialect) and Kosare another we designate as Nawa River, with Kapauri-Sause being related most closely to Masep, Isirawa and Apauwar River (i.e. Kwerba and Samarokena) and having no special relationship to either Nawa River or to Balim Valley (Dani.) The fundamental division between Kapauri-Sause and Nawa River is supported by Dommel and Dommel (1999: 1-2,) who counted only 1% lexical similarity between Sause of Badrun village and Kaure, and by Wambaliau (2006: 12-13) and Menanti and Rumaropen (2009: 13-14,) who found only 5-6% lexical similarity between Kapauri and Kosare, most of which can be attributed to loans (below.) Unfortunately, none of the SIL researchers are known to have compared Kapauri with Sause or Kaure with Kosare, but a fair accounting of the resemblances within each of these two pairs would yield a much higher figure, as demonstrated in the sections which follow.

Historical phonology

[under construction]

Proto-Kapauri-Sause had at least 10 consonants and 7 or 8 vowels as follows:

*m *n
*t *s *k
*b
*h
*w *j
*i *u
*e̝ *ɵ̝ *o̝
*a
[*aː]

In addition to the simple vowels given above, at least three or four diphthongs are found which are tentatively identified as follows:

*eⁱ
*aⁱ *aᵘ
[*aːᵘ]

Kapaur-Sause's consonant inventory is conspiuous for its gaps. Some of these might be filled upon further reconstrucrion from more extensive vocabularies.

It is not clear that there is either a voiceless biilabial stop /*p/ or any corresponding fricative. Bilabial voicless fricative [ɸ f] exists in both languages, but in some instances reflects initial /*hu *huw/ and in others results from a loan as well as being an allophone of Kapauri's regular reflex [p] of medial medial /*b/.

There is no apical voiced stop /*d/, suggesting non-stop /*ɽ/ to be its systemic equivalent; this is the case also in the neighboring Nawa River family.

It is not clear that there is a velar voiced stop /*g/, although words with /g/ exist in both languages.

Sause medial glottal stop [ʔ] is interpreted as a feature of synchronic vowel length /ː/ as it is found primarily in conjunction with /*aː/ or with other long vowels or diphthongs derived from sequences /*VwV/. Glottal stops on other positions are considered to be non-phonemic.

Root-finally, two and perhaps three archiphonemes are found; at least the first two are dropped in Kapauri

*N
*C
[*ɽ]

The same archiphonemes are found in Sause when a root-final segment /*-CV/ has been reduced to /C/ due to loos of a final vowel.

Phonotactically, Kapauri and Sause have undergone developments analagous to those which differentiate Kamula-Elevala River on the one hand from Awyu-Dumut and Awbono-Bayono on the other within the Digul River family (q.v. Suter and Usher 2017: 127-129.) In both instances, antecedent roots fall into one of three phonotactic classes: 1) monosyllabes /*(C)V/ which continue as such in both descendants 2) roots with final consonants which are dropped in Kapauri and Kamula-Elevala River and are reduced to archiphonemes in Sause, Awyyu-Dumut and Awbono-Bayono, 3) multisyllabic roots with final vowels which lose final vowels in Sause as well as Awyu-Dumut and Awbono-Bayono with concomitent reduction of now-final consonants to archiphonemes. This is a purely historical typological parallel, as Kapauri-Sause is not geographically adjacent to any of these families, but areally it is evident that Sause has been influenced by the Nawa River languages which have likewise reduced root-final consonants to archiphonemes.

In addition to these three classes, there is an uncommon fourth class in which apparent final vowels are retained in both Kapauri and Sause; howver the factors conditioning this retention, supposing that the vowels really were final as opposed to being followed by a consonant which has been dropped in both languages, are unkmown:

root class root shape Kapauri Sause
I *(C)V (C)V (C)V
II *(C)VC (C)V (C)VC
III *(C)VCV (C)VCV (C)VC
IV *(C)VCV (C)VCV (C)VCV

Thus Kapauri has no final consonants at all, while Sause roots are not exclusively but predominantly consonant-final.

There are no unambiguous consonant clusters except those which have apical non-stop /*ɽ/ as the second member. Only /*mɽ/ ,/*bɽ/ and /*tɽ/ have thusfar been reconstructed for Kapauri-Sauise but other such clusters exist in the daughter languages were likely allowed.

Sequences of multiple vowels do not occur unless some of our diphthongs or medial /*w *j/ are to be reinterpreted as their reflexes.

Initial consonants correspond as follows:

Kap.-Sau. Kapauri Sause
*m- m m
*n- n n
*p- ? p
*t- t t
*s- s h
*k- k ø
*b- b b
*h- h h
*w- w w
*ɽ- ɽ
*j- j z

Medial consonants correspond as follows:

Kap.-Sau. Kapauri Sause
*-m- m m
*-n- n n
*-n₂- n ɽ
*-t- t t
*-k- k ʔ (?)
*-b- p b
*-w-/… w w
*-w-/… w ø
*-ɽ- ɽ ɽ
*-j- j j

Subfinal consonants correspond as follows:

Kap.-Sau. Kapauri Sause
*-mV mV ŋ
*-nV nV ŋ
*-sV sV s
*-kV kV k
*-ɽV ɽV ɽ

Final consonants correspond as follows:

Kap.-Sau. Kapauri Sause
*-N ø ŋ
*-C ø k
[*-ɽ] ? ɽ

Vowels and diphthongs correspond as follows:

Kap.-Sau. Kapauri Sause
*i i i
*u u u
*e̝ i e
*ɵ̝ u ə
*o̝ u o
æ ɛ
*a a a
*aː ?
*eⁱ i eⁱ
*aⁱ aⁱ aⁱ
*aᵘ aᵘ o
*aːᵘ aᵘ

These correspondences are exemplified as follows, with Kapauri attestations drawn from … and Sause from ….


Probably any consonant can occur initially.

Intiail bilabial nasal /*m/ is retained as such in both languages:

Kapauri-SauseKapauri Kapauri Sause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Menanti Barr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*m- m m m m m m
stand *mɛn[aᵘ] a-mɛnu mano mena ˈmɛna mena mænaᵘ
tongue *mɛn₂o̝ mænʊ meno meɽo ˈmɛʔɛʔromeɭo ˈmæro
breast *mɵ̝N my meːŋ meːŋ
hole *mɵ̝kɵ̝ mogo mɛʔɛʔ mæʔæ
speak *mano̝C maˈnʊ-nʊ manok manok
mouth/lip(s)*mutuN mʊtu-funumutu-punomutu muˈtuŋ mutu ˈmətun

Initial apical nasal /*n/ is generally retained as such in both languages, though Barr and Walker's (1978: 11) Ures [ⁿdaʔod] “path” show occlusion as is found regularly in the Nawa River languges to the east, presumably reflecting the influence of Kaure:

Kapauri-SauseKapauriKapauriSause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
MenantiBarr Wambaliau Barr WambaliauBarr
*n- n n n n n n
sun *nisiki (?) nikɪ nigi nisik niˈsik nisik ˈnisi
1 pl. *ne̝ neʔ niʔ ne ne
eat *na[N/nV] naŋ naŋ naŋ naŋ
two *nɛbɽe̝[na] nafɽinanaplinanemb®e [JA]
path *nawaɽo̝ nawarʉ nawaɾo naor haoɾ (?)naʔor ⁿdaʔod
net bag*no̝bj[ɛ]ɽ[i]nifɽi nubjeɽ nobjar

Initial apical voiceless stop /*t/ is retained as such in both languages:

Kapauri-SauseKapauri KapauriSause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Menanti Barr Wambaliau Barr WambaliauBarr
*t- t t t t t t
lake *te̝ -tɪ teʔe teʔe
short *tɵ̝ke̝ tykɪ teʔe teʔe
hand/arm *ta taʔ ta taː tah taː ~ tæːta
rattan/rope*tab₂ano̝ tabany
~ tabano
tabaŋ [PD]
know *tawaC tawa tauk
ear *t[o̝/u]waro̝tuwaru tuwaɾo to:or toʔoʔorto:or toʔon
seed *tɽɵ̝ tryʔ hɭə (?) ˈtrəʔə

Initial laminal voiceless /*s/ is retained as such in Kapauri and deoccluded to /h/ in Sause, sometimes heard as zero in Barr and Walker's attestations:

Kapauri-SauseKapauri Kapauri Sause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Menanti Barr WambaliauBarr Wambaliau Barr
*s- s s h h [h ø]h h [h ø]
urine *siC si-bu ~ si-βu hik hik
shoot/kill*sɛ[N/nV] heŋ heŋ hæŋ
dry *sɵ̝-sɵ̝n[u] sysynuʔ səsənu hɛˈhɛan
long *[sɵ̝-]sɵ̝wa sysuwa sisua hewa heʔəwa hewa ˈewə
tail *sabaɽo̝ sapaɽə
~ sapaɽɔ
sar̃apu (?)habaɽ abəʔar habaɽ ˈabald
rain *saːN haʔaŋ haˈaŋ haːa ~ haʔaŋhaˈaŋ
wing *so̝ta ˈsuta-ɽinɪ hota hota

Initial velar voiceless stop /*k/ is retained as such in Kapauri and seemingly lost entirely in Sause:

Kapauri-Sause Kapauri KapauriSause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Menanti Barr Wambaliau Barr Wambaliau Barr
*k- k k ø ø ø ø
mosquito *kini kinɪ kini
yellow *kija-kija kɪja-kɪja jaʔʃa jaʔʃa jaʔja
1 sg. *ka kaku kako a a a
walk/go *kan₂o̝ (a-)kanu kano ˈar-əʔaɾ-it
tree kangaroo*ka[t/s]o̝ɽe̝ katuɽɪ hoɭe khoɭe (?)
blood *ko̝mo̝ kumu kumu
sky *ko̝no̝[waɽ[V]] unuwaɽ
~ onowaɽ
onoar

Intiial biabial voiced stop /*b/ is retained as such in both languages:

Kapauri-SauseKapauri KapauriSause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Menanti Barr Wambaliau Barr WambaliauBarr
*b- b b b b b b
salt/sea *biN biŋ ~ biːŋ biːiŋ
moon *bɛ[N/nV] bɛŋ bɛŋ bɛŋ bæŋ
head *baːɽ baːar ˈbaʔarbɑːɑr baʔar
water/river*bo̝C buʔ ~ -bu bu bok ~ buk bok bok ˈbog-
cloud *bo̝mɽɵ̝ bumɽu ~ bumɭubumru bomɭe
areca nut *bɽɵ̝ bɽu bru bɽə brə bɭə bəˈrɛʔ

IHere we assume that a segment /*buw/ has been reduced to [b] in Kapauri because a similar phenomenon of coalescence affects segments /*hu *huw/ (below); this would require that Kapauri be the source of Kaure /mbaɺe/ (Dommel, Dommel, Auri and Pokoko 1991) (below) rather than vice-versa:

Kapauri-SauseKapauriKapauriSause SauseSause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum SauseUres Ures
MenantiBarr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*buw- b bu bu
breadfruit*buwɛɽɛ baɭe bueɭe bueɭe

Intiial voiceless unoccluded /*h/ is generally retained as such in both subgroups, though sometimes heard as zero in Sause:

Kapauri-SauseKapauri KapauriSause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Menanti Barr Wambaliau Barr Wambaliau Barr
*h- h h h [h ø]h [h ø]h [h ø]h [h ø]
wife *heⁱC eikʰ eikʰ
louse *hɛno̝ hanu ~ hanʉʔhano hɛŋ hɛŋ heŋ hɛŋ
blunt/dull*ho̝t[u]C hutʊ ~ huty hutuk
give *huɽin[u] hɽunu hurunu wɭiŋ uˈriŋ wɭiŋ uˈriʔiŋ

When initial /*h/ is followed by high back rounded vowel /*u/, the segment [hu hw] can be realized as bilabial fricative [ɸ] in both Kapauri and in Sause. Other Kapauri examples of this alternation are Menanti and Rumaropen's [ɸɽinɪ] vs. Barr and Walker's [hur̃ini] “worm” and Menanti and Rumaropen's [fʊkani] vs. Barr and Walker's [hogwane] “eye”. Voorhoeve (1975: 15) follwing Bromley gives the root below as [hwini] and cognates are found in other Foja Range languages with initial /*s/:

Kapauri-SauseKapauri Kapauri Sause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Menanti Barr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*hu- hu [ɸ]hu [w] hu [ɸ]
egg*huwini ɸɪnɪ wini ɸin

Initial bilabial non-stop /*w/ is retained as such in both languages:

Kapauri-SauseKapauri KapauriSause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Menanti Barr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*w- w w w w w w
night*win[aN] wiɲaŋ ˈwinjaŋwiɲaŋ ˈwinjaŋ
star *wVsV wese ˈwɛsɪ wəse ˈwɛsɛ
see *waɽɛ hu-warɛʔwaɾapa waɽ waˑr waɽ waˑr

One example shows initial /*w/ occluded to [g] in Sause, suggesting a doublet loaned into Sause from Apauwar River or Orya-Tor where the reflex /ʷgʷ/ is regular (although this Foja Range root is not attested in Orya-Tor.) The vowel alternation is likewise unexpeted:

Kapauri-SauseKapauriKapauriSause SauseSause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum SauseUres Ures
MenantiBarr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*w₂- w w g gg g
tooth*w₂ano̝ wanʊ war̃no goŋ goŋ goŋ goŋ

The existence of initial apical non-stop /*ɽ/ is based upon one comparison in which Sause /ɽ/ is initial but in Kapauri is preceded by a vowel, a phenomenon found also in Telefol of the Mountain Ok family (q.v. Healey 1964: 133-167.) Since vowels have not been observed to be dropped in Sause when followed by any other consonant, it is tentatively assumed that /*ɽ/ in this instance was initial:

Kapauri-SauseKapauri Kapauri Sause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Menanti Barr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*ɽ- Vɽ […]Vɽ […]ɽ […]ɽ […]ɽ […]Vɽ […]
bird*ɽe̝Cne̝N irinɪ ir̃ini ɭeʔneŋ liʔniŋ ɭeʔneŋ əˈlitniŋ

Intiial palatal non-stop /*j/ is occluded to voiced fricative /z/ in Sause and sometimes to africate [dʒ] in Kapauri. Sause /z/ appears to contrast with the medial allophone of /*j/ (below):

Kapauri-SauseKapauriKapauri Sause SauseSause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum SauseUres Ures
MenantiBarr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*j- j j [j dʒ]z zz z
crocodile*jaɽo̝N jaɽu jaɾo
heavy *jo̝C dʒu-dʒu zok zuʔ
liver *jo̝nV zoŋ zoŋ ~ zuŋ

Occlusion of initial /j/ occurs also in this loan from Orya (Uria) into Sause:

Warpu (Uria)Sause Sause Sause Sause
Witi Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Barr Wambaliau Barr Wambaliau Barr
j- z [dʒ]z z [dʒ] z
coconutjeɾaʔ dʒa-siŋ- zəˈra-siʔiŋdʒ(r̃)a-siŋzəˈra-sɪŋ

Probably any consonant can appear root-medially except for unoccluded fricative /*h/, a restriction found also in the neighboring Nawa River family.

Medial bilabial nasal /*m/ is retained as such in both languages:

Kapauri-SauseKapauri KapauriSause SauseSause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum SauseUres Ures
Menanti Barr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*-m- m m
cloud*bo̝mɽɵ̝ bumɽu ~ bumɭubumru bomɭe

Medial apical nasal /*n/ is generally retained as such in both languages:

Kapauri-Sause Kapauri KapauriSause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Menanti Barr Wambaliau Barr WambaliauBarr
*-n- n n n n n n
child*anaN ana ənəŋ ənəŋ
stand*mɛn[aᵘ] a-mɛnu mano mena ˈmɛna mena mænaᵘ
speak*mano̝C maˈnʊ-nʊ manok manok
sky *ko̝no̝[waɽ[V]] unuwaɽ
~ onowaɽ
onoar
bird *ɽe̝Cne̝N irinɪ ir̃ini ɭeʔneŋ liʔniŋɭeʔneŋ əˈlitniŋ

In one example, medial /*n/ is palatalized presumably due to preceing high front vowel /*i/ (alternately this word is a coompund; cf. Masep [wine] (Erickson.) etc.):

Kapauri-SauseKapauriKapauriSause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
MenantiBarr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*-n-/i_a ɲ ɲ ɲ ɲ
night*win[aN] wiɲaŋ ˈwinjaŋwiɲaŋ ˈwinjaŋ

…/*n₂/ …

Kapauri-SauseKapauriKapauriSause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
MenantiBarr Wambaliau Barr WambaliauBarr
*-n₂- n n ɽ [ɽ ɭ]ɽ [r]ɽ [ɭ]ɽ [r]
3 sg. *an₂o̝C aːnuʔ ano aɭokʰ arok
tongue*mɛn₂o̝ mænʊ meno meɽo ˈmɛʔɛʔro meɭo ˈmæro

Medial apical voiceless stop /*t/is retained as such in both languages:

Kapauri-SauseKapauri KapauriSause SauseSause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum SauseUres Ures
Menanti Barr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*-t- t t t
wing *so̝ta ˈsuta-ɽinɪ hota hota
blunt/dull*ho̝t[u]C hutʊ ~ huty hutuk

…:

Kapauri-SauseKapauriKapauriSause SauseSause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum SauseUres Ures
MenantiBarr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*-[t/s]- t h h
tree kangaroo*ka[t/s]o̝ɽe̝katuɽɪ hoɭe khoɭe (?)

Medial laminal voiceless /*s/ …:

Kapauri-SauseKapauriKapauriSause SauseSause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum SauseUres Ures
MenantiBarr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*-s- s ss s
star*wVsV wese ˈwɛsɪwəse ˈwɛsɛ

Two examples in which apparent medial /*s/ is deoccluded to /h/ in Sause are reduplications::

Kapauri-SauseKapauriKapauriSause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
MenantiBarr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*(-)s- s s h h h
dry *sɵ̝-sɵ̝n[u] sysynuʔsəsənu hɛˈhɛan
long*[sɵ̝-]sɵ̝wa sysuwa sisua hewa heʔəwa hewa ˈewə

Another example is a compound with the base “two”::

Kapauri-SauseKapauri Kapauri Sause SauseSause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum SauseUres Ures
Menanti Barr Wambaliau Barr WambaliauBarr
*(-)s- s s h
three*-so̝ɽ[o̝] nafa-sɽutunapa-suɾutupnɛmbre-hor [JA]

Medial velar voiceless stop /*k/ is lenited to voiced [g] in Bar rand Walker's Kapauri and is probably deoccluded to glottal stop /ʔ/ in Sause, though it's not clear that Sause [ʔ] is a reflex of /*k/ rather than the subphonemic concomitant of vowel length in monosyllables (below) and the only unambiguous example of glottal stop is a reduplication:

Kapauri-SauseKapauri Kapauri Sause SauseSause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum SauseUres Ures
Menanti Barr WambaliauBarr Wambaliau Barr
*-k- k k [g]ʔ ʔʔ ʔ
hole *mɵ̝kɵ̝ mogo mɛʔɛʔ mæʔæ
short *tɵ̝ke̝ tykɪ teʔe teʔe
yellow*kija-kija kɪja-kɪja jaʔʃa jaʔʃa jaʔja

Medial bilabial voiced stop /*b/ is devoiced to /p/ [p f] in Kapauri:

Kapauri-SauseKapauri Kapauri Sause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Menanti Barr Wambaliau Barr WambaliauBarr
*-b- p [p f] p b b b b
two *nɛbɽe̝[na] nafɽina naplina nemb®e [JA]
net bag*no̝bj[ɛ]ɽ[i]nifɽi nubjeɽ nobjar
tail *sabaɽo̝ sapaɽə
~ sapaɽɔ
sar̃apu (?)habaɽ abəʔarhabaɽ ˈabald

… /*b₂/ …:

Kapauri-SauseKapauri KapauriSause SauseSause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum SauseUres Ures
Menanti Barr Wambaliau Barr WambaliauBarr
*-b₂- b b
rattan/rope*tab₂ano̝ tabany
~ tabano
tabaŋ [PD]

Unoccluded fricative /*h/ has not been observed to occur medially, which is true also of the Nawa River family to the east.

Medial bilabial non-stop /*w/ when following high mid central vowel /*ɵ̝/ is retained as such in both languages:

Kapauri-SauseKapauriKapauriSause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
MenantiBarr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*-w- w w w w w w
long*[sɵ̝-]sɵ̝wa sysuwa sisua hewa heʔəwahewa ˈewə

In several examples where medial /*w/ is followed by low central vowel /*a/, the sequence /*wa/ is backed to [o u] in Sause with spradic lengthening and interpolation of glottal stop[ [ʔ]

Kapauri-SauseKapauriKapauriSause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
MenantiBarr Wambaliau Barr Wambaliau Barr
*-w-/_a w w ø [: ø]ø [ʔ ø]ø [: ʔ]ø [ʔ]
path*nawaɽo̝ nawarʉ nawaɾo naor haoɾ (?) naʔor ⁿdaʔod
know*tawaC tawa tauk
ear *t[o̝/u]waro̝tuwaru tuwaɾo to:or toʔoʔor to:or toʔon

There is however one exception, possibly indicating a comound (cf. Maspe [ˈkɔnɔ] (Donohue,) Isirawa [ono] (Oguri)):

Kapauri-Sause KapauriKapauriSause SauseSause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum SauseUres Ures
MenantiBarr Wambaliau Barr WambaliauBarr
*-w- w w w w
sky*ko̝no̝[waɽ[V]] unuwaɽ
~ onowaɽ
onoar

Medial apical non-stop /*ɽ/ …:

Kapauri-SauseKapauri Kapauri Sause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Menanti Barr Wambaliau Barr WambaliauBarr
*-ɽ- ɽ [ɽ r] ɽ [ɾ l]ɽ […] ɽ […]ɽ […]ɽ […]
breadfruit *buwɛɽɛ baɭe bueɭe bueɭe
cloud *bo̝mɽɵ̝ bumɽu ~ bumɭubumru bomɭe
areca nut *bɽɵ̝ bɽu bru bɽə brə bɭə bəˈrɛʔ
two *nɛbɽe̝[na] nafɽina naplina nemb®e [JA]
seed *tɽɵ̝ tryʔ hɭə (?) ˈtrəʔə
three (?) *-so̝ɽ[o̝] -sɽutu -suɾutup -hor [JA]
tree kangaroo*ka[t/s]o̝ɽe̝katuɽɪ hoɭe khoɭe (?)
give *huɽin[u] hɽunu hurunu wɭiŋ uˈriŋ wɭiŋ uˈriʔiŋ
crocodile *jaɽo̝N jaɽu jaɾo

Medial palatal non-stop /*j/ …

Kapauri-SauseKapauri KapauriSause SauseSause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum SauseUres Ures
Menanti Barr WambaliauBarr Wambaliau Barr
*-j- j j j
yellow*kija-kija kɪja-kɪja jaʔʃa jaʔʃa jaʔja

… /*j/ …:

Kapauri-SauseKapauriKapauriSause SauseSause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum SauseUres Ures
MenantiBarr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*-j- ø j j
net bag*no̝bj[ɛ]ɽ[i]nifɽi nubjeɽ nobjar

Subfinal consonants are medials which appear in final segments /CV/ in Kapauri multisyllabic roots but are reduced to final consonants or archiphonemes in Sause.

Subfinal /*mV/ is reduced to final nasal archiphoneme /N/ in Sause:

Kapauri-SauseKapauriKapauriSause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
MenantiBarr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*-mV mV mV N [ŋ]N [ŋ]N [ŋ]N [ŋ]
blood*ko̝mo̝ kumu kumu

Subfinal /*nV/ is reduced to final nasal archiphoneme /N/ in Sause:

Kapauri-SauseKapauri KapauriSause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Menanti Barr Wambaliau Barr WambaliauBarr
*-nV nV nV N [ŋ] N [ŋ n]N [ŋ]N [ŋ]
dog *unu unʊ unu
dry *sɵ̝-sɵ̝n[u] sysynuʔ səsənu hɛˈhɛan
mosquito *kini kinɪ kini
louse *hɛno̝ hanu ~ hanʉʔ hano hɛŋ hɛŋ heŋ hɛŋ
rattan/rope*tab₂ano̝ tabany
~ tabano
tabaŋ [PD]
egg *huwini ɸɪnɪ wini ɸin
give *huɽin[u] hɽunu hurunu wɭiŋ uˈriŋ wɭiŋ uˈriʔiŋ
tooth *w₂ano̝ wanʊ war̃no goŋ goŋ goŋ goŋ
liver *jo̝nV zoŋ zoŋ ~ zuŋ

Subfinal /*n₂V/ is reduced to final apical non-stop /ɽ/ in Sause:

Kapauri-SauseKapauri KapauriSause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Menanti Barr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*-n₂V nV nV ɽ [ɽ]ɽ [r]ɽ [ɾ]ɽ […]
walk/go*kan₂o̝ (a-)kanukano ˈar-əʔ aɾ-it

No examples of subfinal /*tV/ have thusfar been identified.

Subfinal /*sV/ is reduced to final laminal voiceless /s/ in Sause:

Kapauri-SauseKapauriKapauriSause SauseSause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum SauseUres Ures
MenantiBarr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*-sV sV sV s ss s
snake*aso̝ asʊ aso as aˑs ɑs aˑs

One probable example of /subfinal *kV/ has been found which is reduced to final /k/ in Sause. It is tentatively assumed here that a cluster /sk/ has been reduced to /k/ [k g] in Kapauri:

Kapauri-SauseKapauriKapauri Sause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
MenantiBarr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*-kV k k [g]k k k k [ø]
sun*nisiki (?) nikɪ nigi nisik niˈsiknisik ˈnisi

No examples of subfinal /*bV/ have thusfar been identified.

No examples of subfinal /*hV/ have thusfar been identified. and probably will not be found as there is no indication that unoccluded fricative /*h/ occured medially.

No examples of subfinal /*wV/ have thusfar been identified.

Subfinal /*ɽV/ is reduced to final /ɽ/ in Sause:

Kapauri-SauseKapauri Kapauri Sause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Menanti Barr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*-ɽV- ɽV ɽV ɽ […]ɽ […]ɽ […]ɽ […]
lime *o̝ɽo̝ uɽ-uɽu or
path *nawaɽo̝ nawarʉ nawaɾo naor haoɾ (?) naʔor ⁿdaʔod
net bag*no̝bj[ɛ]ɽ[i]nifɽi nubjeɽ nobjar
ear *t[o̝/u]waro̝tuwaru tuwaɾo to:or toʔoʔor to:or toʔon (?)
tail *sabaɽo̝ sapaɽə
~ sapaɽɔ
sar̃apu (?)habaɽ abəʔar habaɽ ˈabald (?)
see *waɽɛ hu-warɛʔ waɾapa waɽ waˑr waɽ waˑr

No examples of subfinal /*jV/ have thusfar been identified.

A minority of multisyllabic words retain their final vowels in Sause under conditions which are not currently understood:

Kapauri-SauseKapauri KapauriSause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Menanti Barr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*…
stand *mɛn[aᵘ] a-mɛnu mano mena ˈmɛna mena mænaᵘ
tongue *mɛn₂o̝ mænʊ meno meɽo ˈmɛʔɛʔromeɭo ˈmæro
hole *mɵ̝kɵ̝ mogo mɛʔɛʔ mæʔæ
cloud *bo̝mɽɵ̝ bumɽu ~ bumɭubumru bomɭe
breadfruit *buwɛɽɛ baɭe bueɭe bueɭe
short *tɵ̝ke̝ tykɪ teʔe teʔe
long *[sɵ̝-]sɵ̝wa sysuwa sisua hewa heʔəwa hewa ˈewə
wing *so̝ta ˈsuta-ɽinɪ hota hota
tree kangaroo*ka[t/s]o̝ɽe̝katuɽɪ hoɭe khoɭe (?)
star *wVsV wese ˈwɛsɪ wəse ˈwɛsɛ

As is the case in the Nawa River languages to the east, there are two final archiphonemic consonants, /*N/ and /C/, and perhaps also apical non-stop /*ɽ/.

Final nasal archiphoneme /*N/ is realized as a velar nasal [ŋ] in Sause and lost in Kapauri:

Kapauri-SauseKapauri Kapauri Sause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Menanti Barr Wambaliau Barr WambaliauBarr
*-N ø ø ŋ ŋ ŋ ŋ
child *anaN ana ənəŋ ənəŋ
breast *mɵ̝N my meːŋ meːŋ
mouth/lip(s)*mutuN mʊtu-funumutu-punomutu (?) muˈtuŋmutu (?) ˈmətun (?)
salt/sea *biN biŋ ~ biːŋ biːiŋ
bird *ɽe̝Cne̝N irinɪ ir̃ini ɭeʔneŋ liʔniŋɭeʔneŋ əˈlitniŋ
crocodile *jaɽo̝N jaɽu jaɾo

Final stop archiphoneme /*C/ is realized as velar voiceless stop [k kʰ] in Sause and lost in Kapauri. This is reminiscent of the situation in the neighboring Kaure language, where final <k> is a grapheme for glottal stop /ʔ/ (Dommel and Dommel 1991: 51.)

Kapauri-SauseKapauri KapauriSause SauseSause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum SauseUres Ures
Menanti Barr Wambaliau Barr Wambaliau Barr
*-C ø ø k [k kʰ]kk [k kʰ]k
flesh/meat *aⁱC ai aⁱ eikʰ aik eikʰ -ɛk
earth/ground*aᵘC u au okʰ okʰ ok ~ okʰ ok
bone *aːᵘC aᵘ oːokʰ oʔokʰoːokʰ oʔok
village *o̝C -u u -ok -ok ok
excrement *uC ʊ ukʰ ~ uk ukʰ ~ uk
speak *mano̝C maˈnʊ-nʊ manok manok
water/river *bo̝C buʔ ~ -bu bu bok ~ buk bok bok ˈbog-
know *tawaC tawa tauk
urine *siC si-bu ~ si-βu hik hik
wife *heⁱC eikʰ eikʰ
blunt/dull *ho̝t[u]C hutʊ ~ huty hutuk
heavy *jo̝C dʒu-dʒu zok zuʔ

One Sause word with outcomparisons in other Foja Range families suggests tha there was also a final apical non-stop /*ɽ/ by the hypothesis that long vowel /*aː/ is found only in monosyllables:

Kapauri-SauseKapauriKapauriSause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
MenantiBarr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*-ɽ ? ? ɽ [r]ɽ [r]ɽ [r]ɽ [r]
head*baːɽ baːar ˈbaʔar bɑːɑr baʔar

Kapauri-Sause had at least seven and possibly eight vowels as well as at least three diphthongs. Kapauri looks to have an unusually simple inventory of only four vowels /i u æ a/ with realizations of /u/ being especailly variable. Sause is more conservative in this respectm preserving all of Kapauri-Sause's original distinctions.

High front vowel /*i/ is generally retained as such in both languages:

Kapauri-SauseKapauri KapauriSause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Menanti Barr Wambaliau Barr Wambaliau Barr
*i i [i ɪ] i i i i i
salt/sea*biN biŋ ~ biːŋ biːiŋ
urine *siC si-bu ~ si-βu hik hik
mosquito*kini kinɪ kini
sun *nisiki (?) nikɪ nigi nisik niˈsik nisik ˈnisi
yellow *kija-kija kɪja-kɪja jaʔʃa jaʔʃa jaʔja
night *win[aN] wiɲaŋ ˈwinjaŋwiɲaŋ ˈwinjaŋ
egg *huwini ɸɪnɪ wini ɸin

In one example, /*i/ becomes back rounded /u/ in Kapauri, presumably under the influence of neighboring /*u/:

Kapauri-SauseKapauriKapauriSause SauseSause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum SauseUres Ures
MenantiBarr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*i/uC_ u u i ii i
give*huɽin[u] hɽunu hurunu wɭiŋ uˈriŋwɭiŋ uˈriʔiŋ

High back rounded vowel /*u/ is retained as such in both languages:

Kapauri-SauseKapauri Kapauri Sause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Menanti Barr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*u u [u ʊ] u u
excrement *uC ʊ ukʰ ~ uk ukʰ ~ uk
dog *unu unʊ unu
mouth/lip(s)*mutuN mʊtu-funu mutu-punomutu muˈtuŋmutu ˈmətun
give *huɽin[u] hɽunu hurunu wɭiŋ uˈriŋ wɭiŋ uˈriʔiŋ

High mid front vowel /*e̝/ …:

Kapauri-SauseKapauri Kapauri Sause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Menanti Barr Wambaliau Barr Wambaliau Barr
*e̝ i [ɪ]i [i]e̝ [e] e̝ [i]e̝ [e]e̝ [i]
1 pl. *ne̝ neʔ niʔ ne ne
lake *te̝ -tɪ teʔe teʔe
bird *ɽe̝Cne̝N irinɪ ir̃ini ɭeʔneŋ liʔniŋ ɭeʔneŋ əˈlitniŋ
two *nɛbɽe̝[na] nafɽina naplina nemb®e [JA]
tree kangaroo*ka[t/s]o̝ɽe̝katuɽɪ hoɭe khoɭe (?)

High mid central rounded vowel /*ɵ̝/ …

Kapauri-SauseKapauri Kapauri Sause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Menanti Barr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*ɵ̝ u [u y] u [u i ə][e ə][e ɛ ə][e ə][e ɛ æ]
areca nut*bɽɵ̝ bɽu bru bɽə brə bɭə bəˈrɛʔ
seed *tɽɵ̝ tryʔ hɭə (?) ˈtrəʔə
breast *mɵ̝N my meːŋ meːŋ
hole *mɵ̝kɵ̝ mogo mɛʔɛʔ mæʔæ
short *tɵ̝ke̝ tykɪ teʔe teʔe
dry *sɵ̝-sɵ̝n[u] sysynuʔ səsənu hɛˈhɛan
long *[sɵ̝-]sɵ̝wa sysuwa sisua hewa heʔəwa hewa ˈewə
cloud *bo̝mɽɵ̝ bumɽu ~ bumɭubumru bomɭe

… /*ɵ̝/ …

Kapauri-SauseKapauriKapauriSause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
MenantiBarr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*ɵ̝ [u][o][e] [e][ɛ] [e]
2 sg.*ɵ̝ oo e ɛʔ e

High mid back rounded vowel /*o̝/ in simple environments or in combination with /*o̝/ in adjacent syllabes is reflected as high back [u] in Kapauri:

Kapauri-Sause Kapauri Kapauri Sause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Menanti Barr Wambaliau Barr Wambaliau Barr
*o̝ u u o̝ [o u] o̝ [o]o̝ [o u]o̝ [o u]
village *o̝C -u u -ok -ok ok
water/river *bo̝C buʔ ~ -bu bu bok ~ buk bok bok ˈbog-
heavy *jo̝C dʒu-dʒu zok zuʔ
lime *o̝ɽo̝ uɽ-uɽu or
three (?) *-so̝ɽ[o̝] -sɽutu -suɾutup-hor [JA]
blood *ko̝mo̝ kumu kumu
liver *jo̝nV zoŋ zoŋ ~ zuŋ
blunt/dull *ho̝t[u]C hutʊ ~ huty hutuk
cloud *bo̝mɽɵ̝ bumɽu ~ bumɭubumru bomɭe
wing *so̝ta ˈsuta-ɽinɪ hota hota
sky *ko̝no̝[waɽ[V]] unuwaɽ
~ onowaɽ
onoar
speak *mano̝C maˈnʊ-nʊ manok manok
tree kangaroo*ka[t/s]o̝ɽe̝ katuɽɪ hoɭe khoɭe (?)

A number of roots have a final vowel which is usually given as [u ʊ ʉ y] in Menanti and Rumaropen's Kapauri but as [o] in Barr and Walker's and is lost in Sause; these are somewhat arbitarily reconstructed here with /*o̝/:

Kapauri-SauseKapauri Kapauri Sause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Menanti Barr Wambaliau Barr WambaliauBarr
*o̝ ø ø ø ø
tongue *mɛn₂o̝ mænʊ meno meɽo ˈmɛʔɛʔromeɭo ˈmæro
louse *hɛno̝ hanu ~ hanʉʔ hano hɛŋ hɛŋ heŋ hɛŋ
snake *aso̝ asʊ aso as aˑs ɑs aˑs
walk/go *kan₂o̝ (a-)kanu kano ˈar-əʔ aɾ-it
tooth *w₂ano̝ wanʊ war̃no goŋ goŋ goŋ goŋ
crocodile *jaɽo̝N jaɽu jaɾo
3 sg. *an₂o̝C aːnuʔ ano aɭokʰ arok
ear *t[o̝/u]waro̝tuwaru tuwaɾo to:or toʔoʔor to:or toʔon
path *nawaɽo̝ nawarʉ nawaɾo naor haoɾ (?)naʔor ⁿdaʔod
rattan/rope*tab₂ano̝ tabany
~ tabano
tabaŋ [PD]
tail *sabaɽo̝ sapaɽə
~ sapaɽɔ
sar̃apu (?)habaɽ abəʔar habaɽ ˈabald

Low mid front vowel /*ɛ/ …:

Kapauri-SauseKapauri KapauriSause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Menanti Barr Wambaliau Barr WambaliauBarr
moon *bɛ[N/nV] bɛŋ bɛŋ bɛŋ bæŋ
shoot/kill*sɛ[N/nV] heŋ heŋ hæŋ
two *nɛbɽe̝[na] nafɽina naplinanemb®e [JA]
tongue *mɛn₂o̝ mænʊ meno meɽo ˈmɛʔɛʔromeɭo ˈmæro
louse *hɛno̝ hanu ~ hanʉʔhano hɛŋ hɛŋ heŋ hɛŋ
stand *mɛn[aᵘ] a-mɛnu mano mena ˈmɛna mena mænaᵘ
breadfruit*buwɛɽɛ baɭe bueɭe bueɭe
see *waɽɛ hu-warɛʔ waɾapa waɽ waˑr waɽ waˑr

Low central vowel /*a/ is generally retained as such in both languages:

Kapauri-SauseKapauri Kapauri Sause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Menanti Barr Wambaliau Barr Wambaliau Barr
*a
hand/arm *ta taʔ ta taː tah taː ~ tæː ta
1 sg. *ka kaku kako a a a
eat *na[N/nV] naŋ naŋ naŋ naŋ
know *tawaC tawa tauk
snake *aso̝ asʊ aso as aˑs ɑs (?) aˑs
walk/go *kan₂o̝ (a-)kanu kano ˈar-əʔ aɾ-it
3 sg. *an₂o̝C aːnuʔ ano aɭokʰ arok
speak *mano̝C maˈnʊ-nʊ manok manok
path *nawaɽo̝ nawarʉ nawaɾo naor haoɾ (?)naʔor ⁿdaʔod
rattan/rope*tab₂ano̝ tabany
~ tabano
tabaŋ [PD]
tail *sabaɽo̝ sapaɽə
~ sapaɽɔ
sar̃apu (?)habaɽ abəʔar habaɽ ˈabald
see *waɽɛ hu-warɛʔ waɾapa waɽ waˑr waɽ waˑr
yellow *kija-kija kɪja-kɪja jaʔʃa jaʔʃa jaʔja
night *win[aN] wiɲaŋ ˈwinjaŋ wiɲaŋ ˈwinjaŋ
wing *so̝ta ˈsuta-ɽinɪ hota hota

One seeming exception may be an error in Wambaliau's Sause as Dommel gives [anaŋ] while Anceaux gives [aneŋ]:

Kapauri-SauseKapauriKapauriSause SauseSause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum SauseUres Ures
MenantiBarr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*a a ə (?) ə (?)
child*anaN ana ənəŋ ənəŋ

… /*a/ …

Kapauri-SauseKapauri KapauriSause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Menanti Barr WambaliauBarr Wambaliau Barr
*a/w…
know *tawaC tawa tauk
path *nawaɽo̝ nawarʉ nawaɾo naor haoɾ (?)naʔor ⁿdaʔod
ear *t[o̝/u]waro̝tuwaru tuwaɾo to:or toʔoʔor to:or toʔon
yellow*kija-kija kɪja-kɪja jaʔʃa jaʔʃa jaʔja

… /*a/ …

Kapauri-SauseKapauriKapauriSause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
MenantiBarr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*a/w…
long*[sɵ̝-]sɵ̝wa sysuwa sisua hewa heʔəwahewa ˈewə

Long low central vowel /*aː/ is found in at least two Sause words with clear outcomprisons to other Foja Range families. If both of these roots were monosyllables [*CaːC] in Kapauri-Sause, then [aː] may not need to be phonemic; however there is one possibly counterexample in “eat” (above.) The subphonemic interpolation of glottal stop [ʔ] in long [aː] is found also in some languages of the Gondu River and Ndu families as well as in Waran (Banaro) and is also found in Sause words where long [oː] reflects /*VwV/ (above):

Kapauri-SauseKapauriKapauriSause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
MenantiBarr Wambaliau Barr Wambaliau Barr
*aː ? ? aː [aːa aʔa]aː [aa aʔa]aː [aːa ɑːɑ aʔa]aː [aa aʔa]
head*baːɽ baːar ˈbaʔar bɑːɑr baʔar
rain*saːN haʔaŋ haˈaŋ haːa ~ haʔaŋ haˈaŋ

At least three or four diphthongs have been found; however it is difficult to be certain of their qualities as each is supported only by a single example.

Mid front rising diphthong /*eⁱ/ …

Kapauri-SauseKapauriKapauriSause SauseSause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum SauseUres Ures
MenantiBarr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*eⁱ [ɪ] [eⁱ] [eⁱ]
wife*heⁱC eikʰ eikʰ

Low front rising diphthong /*aⁱ/ …

Kapauri-SauseKapauriKapauriSause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
MenantiBarr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*aⁱ aⁱ aⁱ [eⁱ] [aⁱ][eⁱ] [ɛ]
flesh/meat*aⁱC ai aⁱ eikʰ aik eikʰ -ɛk

Low back rounded rising diphthong /*aᵘ/ … Another Kapuari example of this alternation is Menanti and Rumaropen's [uvuny ~ ufunʉ] vs. Barr and Walker's [aufunu] “skin/bark”, where Dommel, Dommel, Auri and Pokoko;s(1991) Kaure /áhóˈɺîʔ/ confirms the presence of [a]:

Kapauri-SauseKapauriKapauriSause SauseSause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum SauseUres Ures
MenantiBarr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
*aᵘ [u]aᵘ o oo o
earth/ground*aᵘC u au okʰ okʰ ok ~ okʰ ok

Long low back rising diphthong /*aːᵘ/ … It is conceivable that this developed from an earlier sequence /*VwV/; cf. Isirawa [awa] (Oguri):

Kapauri-SauseKapauriKapauriSause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
MenantiBarr Wambaliau Barr Wambaliau Barr
*aːᵘ [u]aᵘ oː [oːo]oː [oʔo]oː [oːo]oː [oʔo]
bone*aːᵘC aᵘ oːokʰ oʔokʰ oːokʰ oʔok

Pronouns

Kapauri-Sause free pronouns are as follows, with Kapauri attestations drawn from Menanti and Rumaropen (2009: 24) and Barr and Walker (1978: 13.) and Sause from Wambaliau (2008: 2) and Barr and Walker (1978: 13.) Only Kapauri-Sause singular pronouns are recontructable from internal evidence alone. The originality of Sause's first person plural is based upon outcomparison to other Foja Range languages. We assume that Kapauri-Sause did not distinguish inclusive from exclusive first person plurals:

Kapauri-SauseKapauri KapauriSause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Menanti Barr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
1 sg. *ka kaku kako a a a
2 sg. *ɵ̝ oo e ɛʔ e
3 sg. *an₂o̝C aːnuʔ ano aɭokʰ arok ma (?) ?
1 pl. *ne̝ aɽuʔ ir̃a neʔ niʔ ne ne
1 pl. incl.aɽuʔ; ainaar̃o ne-βa ˈni-baʔne-βa ?
2 pl. ? uɽu ? n(i)ja ? nija ?
3 pl. ? ana ɾeple m(i)ja miaʔ mija ?

Verbal morphology

No information about Kapauri-Sause verbal morphology is currently available to us.

Loans to and from neighboring languages

[under construction]

Kapauri and Sause have borrowed words from several neighboring languages, notably Kaure and Kosare of the unrelated Nawa River family to the east and the distantly related Orya language o9f the Orya-Tor River family to the northeast, which has greatly influenced Sause in particular. In both instances these loans motivted incorrect classifications, first Voorhoeve's (1975 : 45, Wurm 1982: 197) placement with Kaure and Kosare in a Kaure Stock and later Silzer and Heikkinen's (1984): 31 placement of Sause. with Orya-Tor River.

Of the following Nawa River roots, only “knowledge” can be independently reconstructed for Kapauri-Sause; the others we assume to be loans from Nawa River on distributional grounds:

Nawa RiverKapauri KapauriSause Sause Sause Sause
Pagai Pagai Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Menanti Barr WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
grandfather*abɛᵘC abu ~ aβu
moon *paka pakaɽʊ bokeɾo
rain *nɛⁱC ny̚ (?) ni
knowledge *tawaji tawa tauk
dog *se̝ ˈsɛʔɛʔ
coconut *sɛgu suku sugu
bandicoot *saᵘtɛⁱC sawitɪ
crocodile *ko̝sɛⁱC kusik kʷisikˈkosik ˈkusi

Other words were probably loaned into Kaure or Kosare from Kapauri-Sause, with Kaure attestations drawn from Dommel, Dommel, Auri and Pokoko (1991) and Kosare from Wambaliau (2006: 24-30:)

Kapauri-SauseKaure Kosare Kosare
DommelWambaliau Wambaliau
Harna Muara NawaNaira
breadfruit*buwɛɽɛ mbaɺe
long *[sɵ̝-]sɵ̝wa hewa hiwa
yellow *kija-kija kija-kija
blunt/dull*ho̝t[u]C hotɛᵘʔ

…Kapauri and Kosare …:

Kosare Kosare Kapauri Kapauri
Wambaliau Wambaliau Pagai Pagai
Muara NawaNaira Menanti Barr
tired aitahiˈni ˈaitahini aitehɛnɪ
kunai grasspaˈjãʔ ufanija
paddle tɛiˈka tɛiˈka təjka ~ təika
goanna tamaˈkia tamakia tamakɪja
taro soˈkuʔ soˈkuʔ saku
leaf/hair uˈsuʔ suʔ; uˈsuʔɪsuʔ isu-
stone/sand liti- liti- ɭitɪ liti

… Kapauri and Kaure …:

Kaure Kapauri Kapauri
Harna Pagai Pagai
Dommel Menanti Barr
skin/barkáhóˈɺîʔ ufunʉ ~ uvunyaufunu
mother ande ani
old adʒepa ~ aipa aiba-ɽu
one kákódʒã̂ ~
kakotẽn
kakʷitija kekutija

… Sause and Kaure … According to Barr and Walker (1978: 6, q.v. p. 10) both Sause and Kaure are spoken in the village of Bogogo. A few of the Sause words which follow include segments which do not exist in native roots (e.g. initial /k/, medial /h/.) The word for “black cockatoo” is found also in Orya (below):

Kaure Sause Sause Sause Sause Sause Sause
Harna ? Sebum Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Dommel AnceauxDommel WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr
bush fowl mbahapemahaβɛ
black cockatoomaɺokwĩmbargwe
mouse/rat kɛɺsi krise krisiʔ kɭisjə kɭisjəkrisi
fat/grease kʷaⁱsoa gʷaⁱtʃa
egg/seed ɭeŋ rɛŋ leŋ ɭeŋ ɭeŋ rɛŋ ɛˈræŋ

No loans involving only Sause and Kosare have been found.

… Sause and Orya … According to Barr and Walker (1978: 6, q.v. p. 10,) both Sause and Warpu (Orya) are spoken in the village of Witi… According to Fields (1991: 30,) Sause and Orya share 10% cognacy in a list of 200 common words. None of the words in the chart which follows are known to occur in Kapauri, while several of them contain segments which do not occur in native words (e.g. initial [nd d], medial [h]):

Orya-Tor RiverWarpu (Uria)Warpu (Uria)Sause Sause Sause Sause
Taja Witi Sebum Sause Ures Ures
Barr Barr WambaliauBarr Wambaliau Barr
turtle *… maŋga maga ˈmaga-maga ˈmagaʔ
river *… bæhær̃ beheɭ ˈbog-bahai
wind *… bonoŋ bonoŋ ˈbonoŋ bonoŋ ˈbono
knee *… bokɾi-na bokr̃e bokɽeʔ ˈmbokre bokɽeʔ ˈbokliᵏ
name *… boˑse-na boˑse bose ˈwose bose ˈβosi
round *… tumbumnu tumbaŋ ˈtumbuŋ
two *… dan dan daŋ daŋ daːŋ dan ~ daŋ
four *… dan-dan dan-dan daŋ daŋ daŋ-daŋ dan-da daŋ-daŋ
sago flour*… ˈdoβe doβe ˈndoβɛ dobʷe ˈdoβwe
thunder *… ŋr̃ɨ ŋr̃ɨ ˈgəruŋ gəˈruŋ
coconut *… ⁱer̃a jeɾaʔ dʒa-siŋ- zəˈra-siʔiŋdʒ(r̃)a-siŋzəˈra-sɪŋ

That some of these were borrowed quite recently may be eeen in the word for “two” for which Anceaux (Smits and Voorhoeve 1994: 211-213) gives [nembe ~ nembre], cognate to the Kapauri form, where all of the more recent vocabularies give [dan ~ daŋ].

Still more loans between can be found in Anceaux's vocabularies of Uria (Orya) and Sause, which are said to have been elicited in the late 1950s (Smits and Voorhoeve 1994: 18-266)::

Orya-TorUria (Orya)Uria (Orya)Sause Sause Sause
Sigi ? ? Sebum Ures
Anceaux Anceaux AnceauxWambaliauWambaliau
bamboo *… asap asap asap
tree *… ausu(-na) ɛusu
black cockatoo*… bargwe mbargwe
fence *… kor kor koːr
sugarcane *… kora kora kola
breadfruit *… ran hra:n əlaŋ

Several examples are loans into Orya rather than vice-versa. For example, Orya's reflex of Foja Range initial /*mb/ in “moon” is irregular for Orya, where /h/ is expected (cf. Tor River /*fɛⁱn/.) but regular for Kapauri-Sause, while “ear” and “tail” show developments peculiar to Sause as opposed to Kapauri and are otherwise not found in Orya-Tor River:

Kapauri-SauseSause Sause Sause Sause Warpu (Uria)Warpu (Uria)
Sebum Sause Ures Ures Taja Witi
WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr Barr Barr
moon*bɛ[N/nV] bɛŋ bɛŋ bɛŋ bæŋ bɛn ben
ear *t[o̝/u]waro̝to:or toʔoʔorto:or toʔon toʔoɾa
tail*sabaɽo̝ habaɽ abəʔar habaɽ ˈabaldavaɾa abar̃

…:

Kapauri-SauseSause SauseSause SauseUria (Orya)Uria (Orya)
Sebum SauseUres Ures Sigi ?
WambaliauBarr WambaliauBarr Anceaux Anceaux
snake*aso̝ as aˑs ɑs aˑs as ɔs

One word which is phonologically abberant in both languages may have been borrowed from some third souce:

…:

Uria (Orya)Uria (Orya)Sause Sause
Sigi ? ? Sebum
Anceaux Anceaux AnceauxWambaliau
taroiŋgrîs ɛŋglis iŋgrîz eŋgɭis