Table of Contents

Aekyom

Timothy Usher, Santa Fe Institute

Situation

Aekyom (Akium,) known also as Awin, is spoken by approximately 9,000 (1986) people living in 70 villages throughout the lowlands immediately south of the central cordillera, between the Fly river and its western tributary the Ok Tedi (Alice river) and as far east as the Wok Luap (Palmer) and Black rivers and the hills north of the Elevala river, in Papua New Guinea's Western Province. The origin of the term Aekyom /ækjom/, used by speakers to refer to their own language, is unknown; one hypothesis would be that it means roughly “fierce village” (/æ-kjom/.) The term Awin is used by the Yongkom people to the southwest to refer to all Aekyom speakers; most likely this is originally a Faiwol term meaning “affine” reflecting Mountain Ok /*apin/. Although the nearest linguistic relative of Aekyom is Pa (Pare) to the southeast, the Aekyom regard themselves as most closely related to the Min (Mountain Ok) peoples immediately to the north. Pa speakers call the Aekyom Iyame, which Depew glosses as “people who eat the long banana called aiyame” (Voorhoeve 1975: 389, Depew 1986: 10-16, 17, Stewart 1989: 1, 330, Christensen 2004: 7.) Aekyom has borrowed basic vocabulary both from Mountain Ok and from the Lowland Ok languages immediately to the west.

Dialects

Voorhoeve (1975: 389) proposes three dialects of Awin, west, central-north, and east, a division consistent with Austen's (1924-1925: 75) Eastern Tedi River, Western Fly River near Palmer Junction and Western Donaldson Range varieties. Depew (1986: 12-14) suggests a possible fourth dialect as follows, with the proposed North Central dialect unnamed:

Aekyom

West – Aekyom – Alice (Ok Tedi) River

East (Southeast) - Aekyom-Pare – Fly River

Northeast – Aekyom-Skai – Palmer (Wok Luap) and Black rivers

North Central

Stewart (1989: 1, 26) distinguishes three dialects …

According to Stewart (1989: 1) Aekyom Pa (Aekyom-Pare) is different enough to nearly be considered a distinct language … Fly River … (p. 26):

Lower RiverFly River
house abɛ ɛbɛ
Aekyom ækjɔm ɛkjɔm
dog psæn psɑn
this (actor)hia hija
okari nut hæwɛ hɛwɛ
tree dɛⁱ di
sand dɺi dni
frog sjɑmɛ sijɑmɛ
light
blood kapɔⁱ kapwi
canoe kɺɔ knɔ
things gɺⁱɶgɺⁱɶ gniognio

However, Depew's (1986: 13) brief chart shows the Northeast dialect to be the most divergent:

NortheastNorth CentralEast West
woman ana arla ala ala
pig mi minɛ minɛ minɛ
tree grubbiɛn psɛnɛ psɛnɛ psɛnɛ
dog biun psænɛ psænɛ psænɛ
marsupialti tɛⁱ tɛⁱ tɔⁱ
bird smi smɛlɛⁱ smɛlɛ smirɛ
arrow kum kapunɛ æpinɛ apinɛ
hornbill kbilɛⁱ kʰwirɛ kbilɛⁱkʰwirɛ

(The difference between <l r> in this chart is unexplained.)

Thus, based upon what data is available to us, the following subclassification can be proposed:

Aekyom

Northeast Aekyom

Central Aekyom

North Aekyom

Southeast Aekyom

West Aekyom

By comparison to this chart, Austen's (1924-1925: 75) Eastern Tedi River, Western Fly River and Western Donaldson Range dialects and Champion's (1926-1927: 117) Plain Country are equivalent to either Southeast or West Aekyom, as are unattributed vocabularies of Karana and Kawandere villages (below.) It is unfortunate that no robust source for Northeast Aekyom, which well represent its own language, is available to us.

Voorhoeve (1968: 6) counts 85% cognates between 82 standard terms for West Awin and East Awin, …, which he …

Sources

Austen (1921-1922: 161) 109 comparative terms for Amnat on the Eastern side of the Tedi (Alice) River

Ray (1923: 339) 2 pronouns, (p. 345) 5 numerals and (p. 354-356) 19 comparative terms for Amnat after Austen (1921-1922)

Austen (1924-1925: 75) 38 comparative terms for Awin of Eastern Tedi River, Awin of Western Fly River near Palmer Junction, Awin of Western Donaldson Range and for Upper Fly River (mix of Aekyom and Faiwol) near the Star Mountains, 597 miles from the mouth of the Fly

Champion (1926-1927: 117) 55 comparative terms for Plain Country between the 500-mile mark on Palmer (Luap) river and the foot of the mountains

O'Connor (1936-1937) (unobtained)

O'Connor (1937-1938) (unobtained)

Rule and Rule (1970) grammar of Aekyom (unobtained)

McElhanon and Voorhoeve (1970) includes Awin comparisons

Voorhoeve (1975: 389-390) grammar sketch of southwest Awin (Aekyom) between Kiunga and Rumginae

Voorhoeve (2007) 179 comparative terms for Awin, North Awin, West Awin, East Awin and Minumin

Depew (1986) ethnography of Upper Fly River Aekyom

Stewart (1989) phonology and grammar sketch of Lower Maeri River Aekyom

Stewart (2016) dictionary of Aekyom

In addition to these, Paul Whitehouse provided comparative vocabularies of Aekyom of Karana and Kawandere villages via the Summer Institute of Linguistics Ukarumpa; however they are undated and unattributed.

Phonology

[under construction]

Depew (1986, presumably following Rule and Rule 1970) gives 17 consonants and 6 vowels for Upper Fly River Aekyom as follows:

m n ŋ
p t k
b d g
s h
w r j
i u
ɛ ɔ
æ a

In addition to the simple vowels given above, four diphthongs are found as follows:

ɛⁱ ɔⁱ
aⁱ aᵘ

Voorhoeve (1975: 389) presents the same consonants for southwest Awin, further asserting that voiced bilabial stop /b/ can be lenited to [β], voiced velar stop /g/ can be realized as prenasalized [ŋg] and fricative /s/ can be realized as affricate [ts].

According to Stewart (… CITE…) Aekyom voiced stops /b d g/ can be realized as prenasalized [mb nd ŋg] in initial position. Prenasalization is found medially only in compounds. This feature, somewhat unusual in New Guinea where prenasalization is typically lost initially before it is lost medially, is shared with the Mountain Ok languages to the north (… CITE ….) It should be noted howevver that Aekyom /b/ reflects Elevala River /*m/ rather than/*b/, where the realization [mb] is more naturally viewed as a transitional stage, so this confluence is a latter-day phenomenon.

Voorhoeve's vowels differ from Depew's in that [æ ɛ] is treated as an allophone of low mid front /ɛ/ as distinguished from high mid front /e/, and he suggests a possible additional phoneme <ü> the precise value of which is not specified. Voorhoeve's southwest Awin vowels are realized in phonetic ranges as follows:

phonetic
i i
u u ʊ
e e
o ɔ o
ɛ ɛ æ
a a ɑ

Comparative analysis of Voorhoeve's (2007) Awin dialects vis-a-vis proto-Elevala River values and those of Stewart's Aekyom shows proto-Aekyom to have had at least seven simple vowels with ranges as follows:

*i *u
*e̝ *o̝
*a
phonetic
*i i
*u u ʊ ʉ
*e̝ ɛ e
*o̝ o u
ɔ o
æ ɛ
*a a ɑ

High tone and low tone are contrastive in stressed syllables, with their unstressed counterparts taking falling and rising tones respectively (Stewart 1989: 5-6.)


… colonial-era vocabularies which appeared in British New Guinea Annual Reports … Austen 1921-1922: 161, Austen 1924-1925: 75, Champion 1926-1927: 117 … original transcriptions …

Aekyom Amnat Eastern TediWestern FlyW. DonaldsonUpper FlyPlain Country
Stewart Austen Austen Austen Austen Austen Champion
stone ikɛ ige ige ige ik
woman aɺa ara
arrow æpinɛ apine apine eppine eppine apin epine
house æwɛ awe awe awe awe
pig minɛ mine mine mine mine mini
cassowary monaⁱ monai monai monai monai monai
mouth (m)gat-ɺam kate-rame kate-rame mage-tem gate
tooth pʰɛtɛ pede pede pette pette pfette pete
star pʰutɛ pute
bone bɺin birine birine
dog psæn bisane bisane bisane bisane
shoulder bɛkɛ ~ ᵐbɛkɛ
~ mɛkɛ
merge berge bekke bekke beke
fish bun bune bune
cuirass napu napu
ashes ti ti
tongue tʰi ~ t̪ʰi ti ti ti ti te ti
sun tʰɛⁱ ~ tʰoⁱ ~ tʰi te te te tei
hair ptɛnɛ
~ bi-mtɛn
tene tene tenne mi-tten
earth/groundtʰo tor
thorn tʰu tu
Job's tears tʰwoᵋ tuwi tuwi
navel dɛpi depi
sago da ~ ⁿda ~ ⁿdaː da da
fire/tree doɛⁱ~dɛⁱ~doⁱ~di de de de di dei
island dupi dubi
crocodile dupɛ dupe
bow dimin ~ dɛmin dimin dimin dimene dimenne dimen dimene
banana dma dema dema demma
net bag d-moᵋ~d-moⁱ~d-moj dumoi dumoi
lip(s) twomɛ duwome duwome dubome bome tapom tobone (?)
sweet potatosipɺo- seprome seprum saburup
tobacco skupɛ sikube sikube s(i)kube s(i)kube sekupe
bird smiɛɺɛ ~ smiɺɛ
~ smɛɺɛ
simire simeri s(i)mere semere
bamboo pipe kʰɛtɛ kerde kette kette kette ket kete
ear kʰɛndokɛ keroke keroke kendoke kerokke kendoke
arm kɺitɛ keride keride k(e)ride kerede kerinda kenete
eye keronge keronge kenonge keronge
nose kai kai kai ke kai
skin kʰatɛ kate kate kate kate
belly gɛnɛ gene
taro hwam kwame (?)kwame (?) huwam wam oam
water waⁱ wai wai wai wai

Pronouns

Stewart (1989: 49-50, 2016) gives pronouns for Lower Maeri River Aekyom in three case forms as follows, with Voorhoeve's (1975: 389-390) Awin forms presented for comparison:

absolutiveposs./activereflexivesubject dep. poss.indep. poss.
Stewart Stewart Stewart VoorhoeveVoorhoeve Voorhoeve
1 sg.nɔ-ø ~ n-a no n-a n-a-na
2 sg.gu gu-a kæ (?) gu go-a go-a-na
3 sg.j-a jo j-a j-a-na
1 pl.kwjɔ kwj-a kyo ku-a ku-a-na
2 pl.gwjɔ gwj-a guo gu-a gu-a-na
3 pl.k-a ka k-a k-a-na
1 dl.ki ki-a ki ki-a ki-a-na
2 dl.gi gi-a gi gi-a gi-a-na
3 dl.ti ti-a ? ? ?

(Morphemic analysis ours)

(Stewart's <q> shown as <k> since it is the destressed allophone of /k/ 1989: 10.)

(Note 2 sg. <go> McElhanon and Voorhoeve 1970: 62.)

Subjects of intransitive verbs take the unmarked (absolutive) form. Subjects of transitive verbs take the possessive/active form. In possessive phrases, these are preposed to the noun they modify.

Kin terms

[under construction]

….

Nominal morphology

[under construction]

….

…. /-kina/ … adjectives:

-kina
weak/thin ambɺoŋi-kina
sandy/soft uː-kina
thievish u-din-kina
bitter mokɛ-kina
blunt baɺu-kina
like that ha-kina
old (of sago) haɺu-kina
dead/dried up ho-kina
emaciated hogaⁱ-kina
black hu-kina
light (weight)hukwæ-kina
rotten (wood) pupu-kina
powdery titi-kina
sated tiɛn-kina
blunt tutu-kina
sharp pain tutuɺɛ-kina
like di-næ-kina
sago da ~ ⁿda ~ ⁿdaːpink da-da-kina
blind du-kina
without dum-kina
white dmɛ-kina
blind dwoɺo-kina
weak dɺop-kina
leaf doɛⁱ woᵋ green dwoᵋ-dwoᵋ-kina
old sa-kina
withered smaɺu-kina
light brown sɺi-kina
tobacco skupɛ red brown sku-kina
bad swo-kina
muddy kipæ-kina
sorcery kinjɛn-kina
blood kʰapʰɔᵋ red kʰapʰɔᵋ-kina
white kʰon-kina
small kʰu-kina
crooked k.-kʰwɛɺo-kina
slippery kʰɺipɛ-kina
bow-legged gægæn-kina
short go-kina
dark patch gungunt-kina
poorly cooked gugut-kina
long/tall/thingɺi-kina
limbless gɺumhoᵋ-kina
good wænu-kina
well/distinctjoma strong jomɛ-kina

The suffix /-kɺa/ derives what might be called attributive present participles. While derived from nominals, these terms, many of which involve reduplication of the root, indicate an action in process or an ongoing dynamic state, hence Stewart's (2016: 19) gloss /-k-/ “-ing (continuous).”. It is probable that this suffix should be analyzed as /-k-ɺa/ with /-ɺa/ present tense, as the plural form is /-k-ɺa-i / [-kɺaⁱ] (q.v. Stewart 1989: 37;) thus /-k-/ may be seen as a verbalizer:

-k-ɺa
itchy ikɛ-k-ɺa
jealous æŋæn-k-ɺa
gasping aːn-k-ɺa
doubtful bubut-k-ɺa
say like that ha-ɺ- saying like thatha-ɺin-k-ɺa
light (weight)hukwæ(-kina)ashamed hukwæ-k-ɺa
be quiet hmit-k-ɺa
cooking hmɛn-k-ɺa
unhappy pʰatɛ-k-ɺa
blinking pʰu-pʰun-k-ɺa
heart pʰɺoᵋ sympathetic pʰɺoᵋ-k-ɺa
mud pkɛmɛ wet pkɛ-pkɛm-k-ɺa
forgetful nonon-k-ɺa
numb tæ-tæ-k-ɺa
resentful tʰɺjan-k-ɺa
pain tʰɺɛn in pain tʰɺɛn-k-ɺa
arriving tʰæn-k-ɺa
about to go tmæ-k-ɺa
sad faced tʰotʰo-k-ɺa
hard tuwa hard tu-k-ɺa
tired dɺukin-k-ɺa
happy sæn-k-ɺa
horn sot-kɺo proud s.k. sot-kɺo-k-ɺa
sticking ski-skin-k-ɺa
displaced skɺip-k-ɺa
folded skɺwæ-skɺwæ-k-ɺa
skipping skwi-skwin-k-ɺa
sucking in sɺim-sɺim-k-ɺa
immodest sɺipɛ-kin-k-ɺa
lightning kʰma flashing (kʰim-)kʰim-k-ɺa
huddled up kin-kin-k-ɺa
wobbly (k.-)kʰiɺin-k-ɺa
light (n.) kʰæ(-m-ɺa) become light kʰæ-k-ɺa
impetigo kæ-kæ-k-ɺa
pause/wait kɺi-k-ɺa
sharp kʰjoma angry kʰjom-k-ɺa
small kʰu(-kina) a little kʰu-k-ɺa
hungry gɛhmɛn-k-ɺa
hungry/thirsty gaɺin-k-ɺa
loose gɺjɛn-gɺjɛn-k-ɺa
cutting gɺosin-k-ɺa
stiff (wi-)wi-k-ɺa
vomit wɛɺia about to v. wɛɺ-mæ-k-ɺa
angry wæ-k-ɺa
unknowing wo-wo-k-ɺa
moving ɺi-ɺip-k-ɺa
well/distinct joma old/strong (jo-)jom-k-ɺa

…. /-ma/ … adverbs … infix [-ma-] glossed as “continuous intermittent action” (Stewart 2016: 20) …

+-ma
know bɺæ-ma
that ha(-kina) just ha-ma
carefully pʰit-ma
who? di towards di-ma
good duwa correct du-ma
bent dɺi-ma
quickly k(ʰ)at-ma
quickly kʰɺjo-ma
greedy gɺi-ma
wrongwɛkɛ crooked/falsewɛk-wɛk-ma
good wænu(-kina)well wænu-ma

…. /-m- ɺa/ [-m-ɺa -mna] … “to do something to an object” (Stewart 1989: 48) /-m-/ alone glossed as “to do or make previous action” … (2016: :

+-m-ɺa ~ -mna
bend leg æg-m-ɺa
turtle ambum make fist ambu-mna
sharpen an-m-ɺa
hook worm at-m-ɺa
make differentatok-m-ɺa
going up hatu-m-ɺa
hum nu-nu-m-ɺa
close/press tʰi-m-ɺa
step by step ti-ti-m-ɺa
back tʰik(-næ) look after tʰik-m-ɺa
take/hold tʰæ(-ɺa) sticky tʰæ-tʰæ-m-ɺa
help tʰap-m-ɺa
meet tup-m-ɺa
see/sense di point di-m-ɺa
good duwa make straight du-m-ɺa ~ -mna
good duwa make good du-du-m-ɺa
feeling for dɺi-m-ɺa
pour dɺip-m-ɺa
heat suɺ-m-ɺa
shake sɺjo-m-ɺa
light (n.)kʰæ(-k-ɺa) make light kʰæ-m-ɺa
light fire ka-mna
shake koko-m-ɺa
light (n.)kʰæ make light kʰæ-m-ɺa
crayfish gaⁱ embrace gaⁱ-m-ɺa
greedy gɺi(-ma) squeeze gɺi-gɺi-m-ɺa
good wænu(-kina)make good wænu-m-ɺa

Here /-ɺa/ may signify the present tense, as plural actors take /-m-ɺa-i/ [-m-ɺaⁱ]; thus /-m-/ may be identified as the causative formative:

+-m-ɺa +-m-ɺaⁱ
stickytʰæ-tʰæ-m-ɺatake/hold (pl.)tʰæ-tʰæ-m-ɺaⁱ

…. [-na] … “having” …:

+-na
h. stood uptʰi-na

…. [-mgɺa] or, in a few instances as [-mgna] …

+-mgɺa ~ -mgna
swallowed aɺu-mgɺa
held/put in bag ha-mgɺa
going down hato-mgɺa
bite tʰi-mgɺa
carried da-mgɺa
pull down skæ-mgɺa
~ skæ-mgna
remove/undogɺu-take out/take offgɺu-mgɺa
grown up wi-mgɺa

…. /-moᵋ/ … “work” …

+-moᵋ
ant nesthɺu-moᵋ
sagoda ~ ⁿda ~ ⁿdaːsago bagd-moᵋ~d-moⁱ~d-moj

…. /-hoᵋ/ … “end” (Stewart 2016: 14) … …

+-hoᵋ
buttocks pʰu headlandpʰu-hoᵋ
earth/groundtʰo world tʰo hoᵋ hoᵋ
tree doɛⁱ~dɛⁱ~doⁱ~distump doɛⁱ hoᵋ
tail sum sacrum sum hoⁱ [sic]

…. /-bɺin/ … “bone” …

+-bɺin
spinal cordbɛtɛ-bɺin
neck kʰɛɺɛ-bɺin
lower spinegɺa-bɺin

…. /-kɺo/ [-kɺo ~ -kʰɺo] … “bone” …

+-kɺo
body butɛ spine butɛn kɺo
okari nuthæwɛ patella hæwɛ-kɺo
knee tʰamapatella tama-kɺo
ground tʰo treeless landtʰo kʰɺo
horn sot-kɺo

…. /-kin/ …

+-kin

…. /-inina/ … implement …

+-inina
baling thing tɺuɺ-inina
writekʰim-writing thingkʰi-kʰim-inina

…. /-gwotɛ/ …

+-gwotɛ
upper arma-gwotɛ
bottle ti-gwotɛ
neckkʰɛɺɛcricoid kʰɛ-gwotɛ
handkɺitɛelbow kɺi-gwotɛ

…. /-kɺu/ … “man” … Stewart (1989: CITE.)

+-kɺu
bushman ækɺimɛn kɺu
thieveryu-din(-kina)thief u-din kɺu
sorcerorhohomin kɺu
medium dɺumɛdjɛn kɺu

…. /-woᵋ/ … “leaf” …

+-woᵋ
woman aɺa spider sp. aɺa-woᵋ
hair of head bin-woᵋ
grass skirt nag-oᵋ ~ dag-oᵋ
Job's tears tʰ-woᵋ
comb of fowl dwi crown of pigeond-woᵋ
tree doɛⁱ~dɛⁱ~doⁱ~dileaf doɛⁱ woᵋ
shelter leaf dɺɛ-woᵋ
strip of leafso little boy so-woᵋ
strip leaves sɺu- edible leaf sɺu-woᵋ
thatch leaf jɛm-woᵋ

…. /-nam/ [-nam -ɺam] … “hole” or “inside” … mistakenly given as <am> “hole” in Stewart (2016: 2) … It is realized as [-nam] when following a vowel or nasal and as [-ɺam] when following a stop, after the final vowel of the root has been dropped as is regular in compounds … locations and some body parts …:

V NV N ø+-nam
hole i-nam
slope aɺu valley aɺu-nam
jungle o-nam
pond u-nam
waterfall (u)tu-nam
eggshell tjoᵘ ~ tjowɛinside tjo-nam
origin tʰɛ-nam
grave tʰo gjɛn well tʰo gjɛ-nam
swallow djomg- throat djomgɛ-nam
old sa(-kina) old garden sa-nam
place su-nam
nose kʰi(-nætɛ) nostril(s) kʰi-nam
eye kʰɺon face kʰɺo-nam
inner ear kʰɛhɛ-nam
ulcer ka-nam
between digitskʰmo-nam
esophagus kɺæ-kɺæk-nam
exrement gɛnɛ anus gɛ-nam
bow-leggedgægæn(-kina)back of knee gægæ-namɛ
garden gwɛ-nam
perforation jɛ-nam
CV C+-ɺam
armpit akut-ɺam
in mouth (m)gat-ɺam
in/under buk-ɺam
air hopi between hop-ɺam
rim of bagtɛmpokɛ side of baskettɛmpok-ɺam
face tok-ɺam
under tʰuk-ɺam
limestone ditɛ cave dit-ɺam
inside kup(ʰ)-ɺam
under gipɛ under gip-ɺam

…. /-næ/ … “place” … some body parts …

+-næ
alveolar ridge it-næ
room æmbi-næ
birthplace æ-su-næ
rope fr. rafterbɺiŋ clavicle bɺiŋ-næ
back tʰik-næ
ground tʰo place/country tʰo-næ
eating place di-næ
bearer(s) hmin di-næ
temple dati-næ
tail sum &nbsppubic shellsu-næ
bird smi(ɛ)ɺɛbird blind smi-næ
loop of string kʰɺoŋ-næ
fontanelle gi-næ
rib/side gunɛ shore/bank gu-næ
on toes g. gjawɛ-næ
women's section ɺu-næ
thumb/five jæm many jæ-næ

…. /-nætɛ/ … “for the reason of” (Stewart 2016: 21) …

+-nætɛ
flat hmɛna plains hmjɛ-nætɛ
good duwa right (side)du-nætɛ
nose kʰi(-nam)in front of kʰi-nætɛ
wrongwɛkɛ left wɛk-nætɛ

…. /-num/ …

+-num
sun tʰɛⁱ ~ tʰoⁱ~ tʰiin the sun tʰɛⁱ-num
middleduɺɛ spinal cordduɺɛ-num

…. /-naⁱ/ … species names, which Depew (1986: 270, 341, 349) characterizes as “an indicator of association (e. g., identity, ownership, etc. )” meaning “belonging to” or “identify with”:

+-naⁱ
mother's br.mom cassowary mo-naⁱ
tree sp. tkinɛbird sp. tki-naⁱ
scrub hen dja-naⁱ
insect sp. sisik-naⁱ
hawk sadɺik-naⁱ
bird sp. sok-naⁱ
pubic shell su-næmussel sp. su-naⁱ
small hawk suɛp-naⁱ
eagle ku-naⁱ ~ ku-noⁱ
flying phalangerwasɛk-naⁱ

…. /-dwɛn/ … “closing of, afternoon” (Stewart 2016: 9) or “late afternoon; early evening” (Depew 1986: 350):

+-dwɛn
holei-namdoor i-nam dwɛn
heatæk dry season æ-dwɛn
roomɺi wall/partitionɺi-dwɛn

…. /-su/ … “after when” … /su/ “between the roots of a tree, stump” … (Stewart 2016: 28) …

+-su
house æwɛ birthplace æ-su(-næ)
all the timeæpɛ-su
everythinghamo afterwards hamo-su
afternoon dwɛn evening dwɛn-su
in awhile kɺika-su
now/today (æ-)kwanow kʰwa-su

…. /-kɛ/ … “egg, fruit, seeds” (Stewart 2016: 16) …

+-kɛ
tongue tʰi ~ t̪ʰi spittleti-kɛ
eggshelltjoᵘ~ tjowɛbait tjo-kɛ

…. /-kɛ/ …

+-kɛ
half/sidebɺæ-kɛ
thishi hither hi-kɛ
thatha(-kina)then ha-kɛ
who?di whither? di-kɛ
when? di-kɺo-kɛ

…. /-kan/ … indicates a place as opposed to a direction /-kɛ/ (above) …

+-kan
this hihere hi-kan
that hothere (near)ho-kan
right here pʰi-kan
who? diwhere? di-kan
over therewaover there wa-kan

…. /-gitɛ/ … “side” … glossed “to the side of” (Stewart 2016: 10) …

+-gitɛ
house æwɛ village æ-gitɛ
half/side bɺæ(-kɛ)other sidebɺa-gitɛ
cover (n.)gɺæ outside gɺæ-gitɛ

…. /-wa/ …

+-wa
this hihere hi-wa
who? diwhere? di-wa
there to sidewæ-wa
over therewaover there wa-wa

Verbal morphology

[under construction]

Aekyom final verbs … Persons of either subjects or objects are not indicated on the verb. Stem forms vary by number of undergoer and tense/mood/aspect … two classes … as follows:

sg. sg. pl. pl.
I II I II
middle past -a -ɛⁱwi -æwi
distant past-itɛ -ɛtɛ -iti -ɛti
present -ɺa -ɺa -ɺaⁱ -ɺaⁱ
future -i -ɺɛⁱki-ɺɛⁱki
purposive -iɺa -ɛɺa -wɛɺa -wɛɺa
subjunctive -mawɛ-mawɛ-mawɛ -mawɛ

(the paradigms labeled here as purposive and subjunctive are glossed by Stwart as “want to” and “shall I?” respectively.)

The tense glossed as present is also used for the immediate past (Stewart 1989: 39.)

It may be seen that ….

Stewart (1989, n.d.: no page number) exemplifies eight of these final paradigms for 23 Lower Maeri River Aekyom verb roots in both singular and plural. Singular forms are given as follows:

stem middle pastdistant pastpresent future purposivesubjunctive
sɛm sɛmsɔŋ ækwa hamɔsu -mawɛ -diɺa
class I -itɛ -ɺa -i -iɺa -mawɛ
eat ˈd- ˈd-ɛ ˈd-itɛ ˈd-ɺa ˈd-i ˈd-iɺa ˈd-mawɛ
cross overk(ʰ)- kʰ-ɛ kʰ-itɛ kʰ-ɺa kʰ-i kʰ-iɺa kʰ-mawɛ
read hiæk- hiæk-ɛ hiæk-itɛ hiæk-ɺa hiæk-i hiæk-iɺa hiæk-mawɛ
run hwɛmg- hwɛmg-ɛ hwɛmg-itɛ hwɛmg-ɺahwɛmg-ihwɛmg-iɺahwɛmg-mawɛ
gather tæɺ- tæɺ-ɛ tæɺ-itɛ tæɺ-ɺʲa tæɺ-i tæɺ-iɺa tæɺ-mawɛ
pain tɺɛɺ- tɺɛɺ-ɛ tɺɛɺ-itɛ tɺɛɺ-ɺʲatɺɛɺ-i tɺɛɺ-iɺa tɺɛɺ-mawɛ
rain suɺ- suɺ-ɛ suɺ-itɛ suɺ-ɺʲa suɺ-i suɺ-iɺa suɺ-mawɛ
class I/II-a -itɛ -ɺa -i -iɺa -mawɛ
make hɔm- hɔm-a hɔm-itɛ hɔm-ɺa hɔm-i hɔm-iɺa hɔm-mawɛ
class II -a -ɛtɛ -ɺa -ɛɺa -mawɛ
sit p- p-a p-ɛtɛ p-ɺa p-ɛ p-ɛɺa p-mawɛ
go along t- t-a t-ɛtɛ t-ɺa t-ɛ t-ɛɺa t-mawɛ
stand h- h-a h-ɛtɛ h-ɺa h-ɛ h-ɛɺa h-mawɛ
go down sj- sj-a sj-ɛtɛ sj-ɺa sj-ɛ sj-ɛɺa s-mʲawɛ
say tj- tj-a tj-ɛtɛ tj-ɺa tj-ɛ tj-ɛɺa t-mʲawɛ
kill j- j-a j-ɛtɛ j-ɺa j-ɛ j-ɛɺa ø-mʲawɛ
build ti- ti-a ti-ɛtɛ ti-ɺa ti-ɛ ti-ɛɺa ti-mawɛ
dig gi- gi-a gi-ɛtɛ gi-ɺa gi-ɛ gi-ɛɺa gi-mawɛ
sing ˈgi- ˈgi-a ˈgi-ɛtɛ ˈgi-ɺa ˈgi-ɛ ˈgi-ɛɺa ˈgi-mawɛ
chop gɺi- gɺi-a gɺi-ɛtɛ gɺi-ɺa gɺi-ɛ gɺi-ɛɺa gɺi-mawɛ
cut ki- ki-a ki-ɛtɛ ki-ɺa ki-ɛ ki-ɛɺa ki-mawɛ
see di- di-a di-ɛtɛ di-ɺa di-ɛ di-ɛɺa di-mawɛ
get/take si- si-a si-ɛtɛ si-ɺa si-ɛ si-ɛɺa si-mawɛ
die pu- pu-a pu-ɛtɛ pu-ɺa pu-ɛ pu-ɛɺa pu-mawɛ
lying downæ- æ-a æ-ɛtɛ æ-ɺa æ-ɛ æ-ɛɺa æ-mawɛ

(Some minor inconsistencies in Stewart's representations have been regularized.)

Plural forms are given as follows:

stem middle pastdistant pastpresent future purposive subjunctive
sɛm sɛmsɔŋ ækwa hamɔsu -diɺa -mawɛ
class I -ɛⁱwi -iti -ɺaⁱ -ɺɛⁱki -wɛɺa -mawɛ
eat ˈd- ˈd-ɛⁱwi ˈd-iti ˈd-ɺaⁱ ˈd-ɺɛⁱki ˈd-wɛɺa ˈd-mawɛ
cross overk(ʰ)- k-ɛⁱwi k-iti k-ɺaⁱ k-ɺɛⁱki k-wɛɺa k-mawɛ
read hjæk- hjæk-ɛⁱwi hjæk-iti hjæk-ɺaⁱ hjæk-ɺɛⁱki hjæk-wɛɺa hjæk-mawɛ
run hwɛmk- hwɛmk-iti hwɛmk-ɺaⁱhwɛmk-ɺɛⁱkihwɛmk-wɛɺahwɛmk-mawɛ
gather tæɺ- tæɺ-ɛⁱwi tæɺ-iti tæɺ-ɺʲaⁱ tæɺ-ɺɛⁱki tæɺ-wɛɺa tæɺ-mawɛ
pain tɺɛɺ- tɺɛɺ-ɛⁱwi tɺɛɺ-iti tɺɛɺ-ɺʲaⁱtɺɛɺ-ɺɛⁱki tɺɛɺ-wɛɺa tɺɛɺ-mawɛ
rain suɺ- suɺ-ɛⁱwi suɺ-iti suɺ-ɺʲaⁱ suɺ-ɺɛⁱki suɺ-wɛɺa suɺ-mawɛ
class I/II-æwi -iti -ɺaⁱ -ɺɛⁱki -wɛɺa -mawɛ
make hɔm- hɔm-æwi hɔm-iti hɔm-ɺaⁱ hɔm-ɺɛⁱki hɔm-wɛɺa hɔm-mawɛ
class II -æwi -ɛti -ɺaⁱ -ɺɛⁱki -wɛɺa -mawɛ
sit p- p-æwi p-ɛti p-ɺaⁱ p-ɺɛⁱki p-wɛɺa p-mawɛ
go along t- t-æwi t-ɛti t-ɺaⁱ t-ɺɛⁱki t-wɛɺa t-mawɛ
stand h- h-æwi h-ɛti h-ɺaⁱ h-ɺɛⁱki h-wɛɺa h-mawɛ
go down sj- sj-æwi sj-ɛti s-ɺʲaⁱ s-ɺʲɛⁱki sj-wɛɺa sj-mawɛ
say tj- tj-æwi tj-ɛti t-ɺʲaⁱ t-ɺʲɛⁱki tj-wɛɺa tj-mawɛ
kill j- j-æwi j-ɛti ø-ɺʲaⁱ ø-ɺʲɛⁱki j-wɛɺa j-mawɛ
build ti- ti-æwi ti-ɛti ti-ɺaⁱ ti-ɺɛⁱki ti-wɛɺa ti-mawɛ
dig gi- gi-æwi gi-ɛti gi-ɺaⁱ gi-ɺɛⁱki gi-wɛɺa gi-mawɛ
sing ˈgi- gi-æwi gi-ɛti gi-ɺaⁱ gi-ɺɛⁱki gi-wɛɺa gi-mawɛ
chop gɺi- gɺi-æwi gɺi-ɛti gɺi-ɺaⁱ gɺi-ɺɛⁱki gɺi-wɛɺa gɺi-mawɛ
cut ki- ki-æwi ki-ɛti ki-ɺaⁱ ki-ɺɛⁱki ki-wɛɺa ki-mawɛ
see di- di-æwi di-ɛti di-ɺaⁱ di-ɺɛⁱki di-wɛɺa di-mawɛ
get/take si- si-æwi si-ɛti si-ɺaⁱ si-ɺɛⁱki si-wɛɺa si-mawɛ
die pu- pu-æwi pu-ɛti pu-ɺaⁱ pu-ɺɛⁱki pu-wɛɺa pu-mawɛ
lying downæ- æ-æwi æ-ɛti æ-ɺaⁱ æ-ɺɛⁱki æ-wɛɺa æ-mawɛ

(Some minor inconsistencies in Stewart's representations have been regularized.)

For comparison, Voorhoeve (1975: 389-390) gives inflections of /pʰ-/ “sit” as follows:

presentfutureperfectivepurposive
singularpʰra pʰi pʰɛrɛ pʰɛra
plural pʰrae pʰrɛkipʰɛri pʰuɛra

Counting system

[under construction]

According to Healey (1964: 111) states that Awin has a body part counting system up to 35 (i.e. apex is 18) ….

left side right side
1 23
2 22
3 21
index finger4 itkɛⁱ-sin 20
thumb 5 jæm-sin 19
wrist 6 tu-sin 18
7 17
8 16
upper arm 9 agwotɛ-sin15 agwotɛ
-bɺæ-kɛ-sin
10 14
11 13
12

Loans from neighboring languages

[under construction]

….