Table of Contents

Ndom

Timothy Usher, Santa Fe Institute

Situation

Ndom is spoken by approximately 300 people (1949) living in six small villages in the west portion of Kolopom (Frederick-Hendrick) island. Drabbe names these villages as Kariràm (Kalilam,) Fatàgh (Kambrada,) Murùba, Wétaghu, Pembrö and Sabèndar. They call themselves the Ndom-wer /ndom-wer/ (“Ndom people”,) in contrast to other Papuans who are called Yegiri-wer /jekiri-wer/ and foreigners who are called Kurik /ku'rik/, and their language Ndom-bana /ndom-baː'na/ (“Ndom language”) (Drabbe 1949: 1-2, 3.)

Sources

Drabbe (1949) brief description of and (pp. 14-24) 469 comparative terms for Ndom

Drabbe (1950) …

Drabbe (1954: 231-255) 100 comparative terms for Ndom

Voorhoeve (1975: 366) phonological inventory and grammar notes for NDom following Drabbe (1949)

Voorhoeve (1975: 96) 40 comparative terms for Ndom after Drabbe (1949)

Susanto (2001) 233 comparative terms for Kalilam (Ndom) of Wetau village

Phonology

Drabbe (1949: 4) gives 14 consonants and 7 vowels for Ndom as follows:

m n
t k
b
mb nd
f θ s x
w r j
i ʏ u
e o
ɛ
a

Velar nasal [ŋ] is generally found only in clusters with a following velar consonant, where it is presumably an allophone of apical /n/. However, Susanto gives [ŋ] in one loan [paˈraŋa] from Indonesian /paraŋ/, suggesting that it may be needed for a modern synchronic description.

Bilabial voiceless stop /p/ is attested only in Susanto's vocabulary, where it is found a handful of recent loans, Kolopom /*p/ having been fricated to labiodental /f/ in all positions.

Apical voiclesss stop /t/ is often fronted to dental [t̪] in Susanto's vocabulary. Finally, it is typically aspirated to [tʰ t̪ʰ]. Medial /t/ is uncommon and most known examples of it are compounds.

Velar voiceless stop /k/ is found primarily but not exclusivesly when followed by high ftont vowel /i/ or apical non-stop /r/ in a cluster. Since velar not-stop /x/ has not been found followed by /i/, it is clear that these were originally allophones of a single phoneme /*k/, which outcomparison shows to reflect both Kolopom /*k/ and voiced prenasalized /*ŋg/. However, synchronically there are a small number of examples in which /k/ is followed by other vowels, necessitating a phonemic distinction in Ndom. In the only known final example, /k/ follows /i/ and is given as aspirated [kʰ] in Susanto.

Drabbe's voiced bilabial plain and prnasalized stops [b mb] appear to be conditioned allophones of the same phoneme, with the latter occuring when following a nasal in the preceding syllable. It's not obvious whether this phoneme should be represented as /b/ with conditioned prenasalization or as /mb/ with conditioned denasalization; the latter interpretation would parallel apical voiced /nd/ which is almost always prenasalized.

Voiced apical prenasalized stop /nd/ remains prenasalized in most positions, the only known exception being a cluster given as [md] which might well be underlyingly [mnd]. … According to Drabbe (1949: 4,) it is sometimes realized as voiceless prenasalized [nt].

A clear example of plain voiced /d/ has been found in only one word, Susanto's [dɛˈdim] “chewing betel”, which we presume to be a loan.

There is no velar voiced plain or prenaalized stop /g ŋg/ because the distinction between Kolopom /*k *ŋg/ has been neutralized with both yielding either voicless /k/ or fricative /x/ depending upon the following vowel.

Fricative /f/ is invariably given as labiodental [f] in Susanto's vocabulary, in contrast with bilabial [ɸ] as is often found in the Marianne Strait languages from the same survey. It reflects Kolopom bilabial voiceless stop /*p/, accounting for the lack of a /p/ in Ndom.

Laminal /s/ is realized as an affricate [tʃ] in Susanto's Ndom, just as it is in Kimaghama and Riantana as well as in Konorau of the Marianne Strait family .

Drabbe (1949: 3-4) states of Ndom but not of Kimaghama that the sound <gh> is pronounced like Dutch <g>, suggesting voiceless [x]. This would be in keeping with its dual origin in Kolopom voiceless and voiced prenasalized /*k *ŋg/, with /*ŋg/ presumably having been lenited to non-stop [*ɣ] before merging with the fricated[x] reflexes of /*k/. This sound has not been found to occur before high fton vowel /i/, where /k/ is found instead. In Susanto's Ndom, it is retained as glottal stop [ʔ] medially and dropped initially and finally, though prior to its loss raises following mid back rounded vowel /o/ to [u].

….
….
….
In addition to the above, it seems probable that a rounded bilabial/labiodental series /mʷ mbʷ fʷ/ is needed to explain the fact that initial clusters [mw bw mbw fw], while uncommon, exist while no other consonant can be paired with [w] in a cluster.

Thus, a conservative version of Ndom's consonant inventory would include only 12 consonants, plus three rounded bilabials/labiodentals for a total of 15 consonants:

m n
t k
mb mbʷ nd
f θ s
w r j

However, it is evident that latter-day distinctions such as /n ŋ/, /p f/, /k x/ and /d nd/ are needed for a valid synchronic description, for as many as 19 consonants, with the most recent shown in brackets.

m n [ŋ]
[p] t k
[d]
mb mbʷ nd
f θ s [x]
w r j

Drabbe's high central rounded vowel <ö> /ʏ/, corresponding to [ʉ y] in Susanto's transcription, is nearly always followed by word-final apical non-stop /r/, or, in a few instances, by nasals /m n/, suggesting it to be not a phoneme but a component of syllabic resonants /m n r/ [m̩ n̩ r̩]. Other final clusters exist, but unless the final is a resonant, no preceding vowel is given; conversely there are no final clusters with resonants as their second members, except those in which a high central rounded has been interpolated. Thus, we conclude that this vowel is epenthetic and not phonemic.



Accordingly, we propose a simpler system with only 5 vowels for Ndom

i u
o
ɛ
a

Generally, any consonant can occur initially, medially or finally except for bilabial and palatal non-stops /w j/, bilabial /w/ having not been found finally and palatal /j/ having not been found either medially or finally, and rounded bilabials/labiodentals /mʷ mbʷ fʷ/ which have been found only root-initially.


While Susanto's Ndom of Wetau village unquestionably represents the same language as Drabbe's, Susanto's transcription differs from Drabbe's in a few noteworthy respects. It is unclear to what degree these reflect differences in dialect, the passage of over fifty years' time or differences in elicitor interpretation.

Bilabial nasal /m/ occurs in all positions unchanged:

Drabbe Susanto
m- m-
thorn mɛː
tongue mɛfrɛr mɛˈfrɛr
stone mɛːt mɛːt̪ʰ
hair/feather(s)mɛːn mæn
six mɛr mær
five mɛˈrɛx ˈmærɛ ~ mæræ
mother (-)ma -ma
breast mam mam
flesh maːˈnumb maˈnam
short maθebʏr maθjɛbʉr
small maθefe maˈθijɛfɛ
lime/white ˈmax- ma ~ maʔ(-)
above maxaˈrɛ maʔ rɛ
fence mar maːr
tie mʏr myr
belly mʏr mʉr
hear mu mu
rain mwar muᵊr
ear/digit muˈnumb munumb
laugh mdɛˈsar mˈdɛtʃar
-m- -m-
louse nɛːmʏn nɛˈmʉn
husband namun -ˈnɔmun
big taruˈma ˈt̪ərmo
mountain θaːˈmot θamuθ
cuscus θaxomandʏrθɔmondʉr
crocodile ˈxaraːma ˈrama
evil jerɛmʏn ˈjɛrɛmu
river jɛˈrama jɛˈrama

Final /m/ is uncommon:

DrabbeSusanto
-m-m
star beˈrembɛˈrɛm ~bəˈrɛm
canoeθam θam
shootθam θaməβə
wing xaˈfaməˈfam

Apical nasal /n/ occurs in all positions unchanged:

Drabbe Susanto
n- n-
1 pl. ni ni
child (-)ni (-)ni
earth/ground nit niːtʰ
nail nixat -niat
1 sg. ne
louse nɛːmʏn nɛˈmʉn
bird nɛmbʏr- nɛmbʉr
weep/cry nɛx
rope nɛx
new/young nɛr- ˈnɛr- ~ ˈnær-
1 sg. poss. na na-
husband namun -ˈnɔmun
name (-)nar nar
know nuˈxwa nʷo
-n- -n-
flesh maːˈnumb maˈnam (?)
ear/digit muˈnumb munumb
fish -xaˈna ᵊna
taro xanaːˈturˈnatur
moon xubaˈna əˈbona
-n -n
bone/spine in jin
three iˈθin iˈðin
all ɛntɛrˈfinɛnd̪ɛrˈfiɛn
hair/feather(s)mɛːn mæn
friend (-)mbwin na-mbwin
nipa palm bun bʊːn
fruit/seed fɛˈsin fɛˈtʃin
louse nɛːmʏn nɛˈmʉn
husband namun -ˈnɔmun
hand/arm taːn tan-
sun wen wɛn
ashes wo-ˈtin wə-t̪in
evil jerɛmʏn ˈjɛrɛmu (?)
urine jan jan

One apparent example of velar nasal [ŋ] in Susanot's vocabulary reflects a final cluster /nx/:

Drabbe Susanto
-nx
voice/languageŋganx -ŋgaŋ

Bilabial voiceless stop /p/ is attested only in Susanto's vocabulary, where it is found a handful of recent loans, Kolopom /*p/ having been fricated to labiodental /f/ (below) in all positions.

Apical voiceless stop /t/ is often fronted to [t̪] in Susanto's elicitations:

Drabbe Susanto
t- t- t̪-
old ˈtɛxɛ-ˈjartaʔ-jar
hand/arm taːn tan-
big taruˈma ˈt̪ərmo
hair of headto-ˈmwɛn tɔ-ˈmæn
stand tʏbʏrɛ ˈtubrɛ
foot/leg tur tur
tooth trɛːx t̪rɛ
-t- -t- -t̪-
grandmother (-)i-tɛt -j-tɛtʰ
below nit-ˈɛ ˈnit-ɛ
arrow ˈsitaxa tʃiˈtɛ
taro xanaːˈtur ˈnatur
light color -watɛ-ˈjar-ʷatɛrja ~wətɛrja
ashes wo-ˈtin wə-t̪in

It is conspicuous that most examples of medial /t/ are known to be compounds, possibly suggesting that the others are, too. Most likely, original medial /t/ has changed to some other sound, perhaps /r/ (below) as this is very common and there is at least one example, “five”, in which Ndom medial /r/ corresponds to /t/ in Riantana and Kimaghama.

Final /t/ is often aspirated [tʰ t̪ʰ] in Susanto's vocabulary:

Drabbe Susanto
-t -t -t̪ -tʰ -t̪ʰ
grandmother (-)i-tɛt-j-tɛtʰ
night ɛrt ɛrt̪
stone mɛːt mɛːt̪ʰ
speak bot-bot bɤtᵊ-bɤt
earth/groundnit niːtʰ
nail nixat -niat
grandfather (-)ntɛt na-nd̪ɛt̪
eat xot ut̪ʰ
head rɛːt rɛt̪ʰ
cold jat jat̪ʰ
breadfruit jot juət̪ʰ

Velar voiceless stop /k/ occurs primarily but not exlusively before high front vowel /i/. …:

Drabbe Susanto
k- k-
2 pl. ki ki
knee kiθ kiθ
skin/barkkri-ˈkirˈkir-kir ~ kɪr-kir
-k- -k-
lip(s) aˈfɛ-kirəˈfɛ-kir
skin/barkkri-ˈkirˈkir-kir ~ kɪr-kir

…:

Drabbe Susanto
kr-rː- r-
arm/handkra- rːa ~ ra-

Final /k/ has been found in only one example, where it follows high front vowel /i/. Like final apical voiceless /t/ (above,) it is aspirated in Susanto's elicitations:

Drabbe Susanto
-k -kʰ
sagobwik ~ bik-bʷikʰ

There are reasons to believe Drabbe's bilabial voiced plain and prenasalized stops /b mb/ to be allophones of the same phoneme. Initially, or medially or finally when not following a nasal /m n/ in the preceding syllable, only plain voiced [b] is found:

Drabbe Susanto
b- b-
star beˈrem bɛˈrɛm ~bəˈrɛm
speak bot-bot bɤtᵊ-bɤt
nipa palmbun bʊːn
sago bwik ~ bik-bʷikʰ
bamboo bwer ˈbʊwɛr
-b- -b-
plus abo -ɤbo-
short maθebʏr maθjɛbʉr
speak bot-bot bɤtᵊ-bɤt
stand tʏbʏrɛ ˈtubrɛ
moon xubaˈna əˈbona
wife jebʏr -jɛˈbʊr
-b -b
banana θeb θɛb
tail xoˈrub urub

When following apical nasal /n/ in the preceding syllable, including a preposed first person singular possessor as seen in “friend”, and probably also bilabial /m/ though we have no examples of this, prenasalized [mb] is found instead:

Drabbe Susanto
-mb-/nV_-mb-/nV_
friend (-)mbwin na-mbwin
bird nɛmbʏr- nɛmbʉr
-mb/nV_ -mb/nV_
flesh maːˈnumb maˈnam (?)
ear/digitmuˈnumb munumb

This analysis is supported by comparison to other Kolopom languages, in which /*mb/ is denasalized or not according to the conditions laid out above. There are a few apparent exceptions in each vocabulary, so perhaps a synchronic distinciton between /b mb/ will prove necessary, but if so it is not historical and its functional load is very marginal.

Apical voiced prenasalized /nd/ is uncommon. Unlike bilabial /mb/ (above,) it generally retains prenasalization across contexts:

Drabbe Susanto
nd- nd-
1 pl. poss.nda ⁿda-
tree ndʏr ⁿdʉr
-nd- -nd-
house urendʏr urɛndʉr
cuscus θaxomandʏrθɔmondʉr

One apparent expection involves an intiial cluster which is probably underlyingly [mnd]:

Drabbe Susanto
md-md-
laughmdɛˈsarmˈdɛtʃar

An irreducible exception, Susanto's [dɛˈdim] “chewing betel”, is probably a loan (below.)

According to Drabbe (1949: 4,) /nd/ is sometimes realized as voiceless [nt]. Generally, this looks to be the case only root-finally:

Drabbe Susanto
-nt-nd -nt
3 pl.ɛnt ænd
dog wawant nowont

One medial example is likely a compound with the third person plural pronoun (above):

Drabbe Susanto
-nt -nd̪-
allɛnt-ɛrˈfinɛnd̪-ɛrˈfiɛn

Another medial example is also likely a compound:

Drabbe Susanto
-nt--nt-
mouthrantʏr ranˈtʉr

One root meaning “grandparent” is given with root-intial [nt] in Drabbe, but this sound is not prenasalized when compunded with the preceding root /if/ “woman.” Cognates including Moraori /tat/ and Kimaghama, [tad-u] suggest Ndom's prenasalization to be secondary:

Drabbe Susanto
(-)nt-(-)nd̪-
grandfather(-)ntɛt na-nd̪ɛt̪
-t- -t-
grandmother(-)i-tɛt na-j-tɛtʰ

Relatedly, there is no phonemic velar voiced plain or prenasalized stop /g ŋg/ because the distinction between Kolopom /*k *ŋg/ has been neutralized, with both yielding either voicless /k/ or fricative /x/ depending upon the following vowel. However, there is one example in whch voiced prenasalized [ŋg] is given in both Drabbe's and Susanto's elicitations:

Drabbe Susanto
(-)ŋg-(-)ŋg
voice/languageŋganx ⁿda-ŋgaŋ

Here we assume Susanto's [ⁿda-] to reflect the first person plural possessor, Based upon analogy with “grandfather” (above,) we propose that inalienable possessors at least a have a final naasal element which surfaces in some instances; note also the example of /mbʷin/ friend“ (above, probably really “affine”) in which root-intiial /mbʷ/ somewhat unexpectedly surfaces as [mbʷ] rather than as [bʷ] when following a possessor. Drabbe's assertion that Ndom lacks both prefixes and suffixes then may be somewhat of an exaggeration, as the presence of prefixed inalienable possessors on kin terms and a restricted number of kin-like nominals, noting that language is inherited from one's speech community, is quite typical even of Trans New Guinea languages which have lost inalienable possession in other contexts.

Labiodental voiceless fricative /f/ occurs in all positions unchanged:

Drabbe Susanto
f- f-
fruit/seedfɛˈsin fɛˈtʃin
mouse/rat fwos fuətʃ
-f- -f-
all ɛntɛrˈfin ɛnd̪ɛrˈfiɛn
lip(s) aˈfɛ-kir əˈfɛ-kir
blind unaˈfur oˈnofu
tongue mɛfrɛr mɛˈfrɛr
small maθefe maˈθijɛfɛ
wing xaˈfam əˈfam
good xaˈfrɛ əˈfrɛ
man/male xarefɛ θɛ-ˌɛrɛθɛ-
-f -f
woman if jif
3 sg. ɛf ɛf ~ æf
wash uθuθuf əðuf
two θef θɛf
bow xaˈrɛf rɛf
bandicoot xaˈrof rof ~ rɔf
person ref rɛf
paddle jaːf jaf

Interdental voiceless fricative /θ/ is sometimes given as voiced [ð] in Susanto's transcriptions:

Drabbe Susanto
θ- θ- ð-
bathe θiθi θəθi
banana θeb θɛb
two θef θɛf
canoe θam θam
shoot θam θaməβə
mountain θaːˈmot θamuθ
cuscus θaxomandʏrθɔmondʉr
four θoˈniθ θʷəˈniθ
sand θʏθʏr ðʊˈður
charcoal/blackθur- θur
outside θrɛˈtat θəˈtrɛtatɛ
wind θruˈi θru
-θ- -θ- -ð-
three iˈθin iˈðin
seek aθit aˈθiθ
wash uθuθuf əðuf
see uθʏr ɛθːʲʊr
short maθebʏr maθjɛbʉr
small maθefe maˈθijɛfɛ
man/male xarefɛ θɛ-ˌɛrɛθɛ-
bathe θiθi θəθi
sand θʏθʏr ðʊˈður
long jɛˈθɛ jɛˈθɛ
sleep jiθ
blood ɛθ ~ ɛt- æθ ~ að-
four θoˈniθ θʷəˈniθ
knee kiθ kiθ

… <t> … <th> /θ/:

Drabbe Susanto
-t--θ- -ð-
root xaˈta aˈða
smokewo-ˈtaxwə-ðæ
seek aθit aˈθiθ

Drabbe's laminal /s/ is invariably answered by Susanto's [tʃ], affrication of /s/ being characteristic of Riantana and Kimaghama as well as Konorau of the Marianne Strait family:

Drabbe Susanto
s- tʃ-
arrow ˈsitaxa tʃiˈtɛ
many sisɛˈrɛ tʃiˈtʃɛrɛ
leech sir tʃir
cough sɛɾ-sɛ(ː)rtʃær-tʃɛr
one sas tʃatʃ
wallaby saxu tʃoʔu
-s- -tʃ-
laugh mdɛˈsar mˈdɛtʃar
fruit/seed fɛˈsin fɛˈtʃin
many sisɛˈrɛ tʃiˈtʃɛrɛ
-s -tʃ
mouse/rat fwos fuətʃ
one sas tʃatʃ
die xains ɛntʃ
kunai grasswas waːtʃ

Drabbe's velar fricative <gh> /x/ has in Susanto's forms disappeared initially and finally, sometimes remaining medially as a glottal stop [ʔ]:

Drabbe Susanto
x- ø-
die xains ɛntʃ
wing xaˈfam əˈfam
good xaˈfrɛ əˈfrɛ
fish -xaˈna ᵊna
taro xanaːˈtur ˈnatur
root xaˈta aˈða
bow xaˈrɛf rɛf
man/male xarefɛ θɛ-ˌɛrɛθɛ-
crocodile ˈxaraːma ˈrama
bandicoot xaˈrof rof ~ rɔf
pig xoˈa wa
eat xot ut̪ʰ
tail xoˈrub urub
moon xubaˈna əˈbona
coconut xur ˈur
grab xra ra
-x- -ø- -ʔ-
far uˈtaxarɛ uˈtɛʔrɛ
lime/white ˈmax- ma ~ maʔ(-)
above maxaˈrɛ maʔ rɛ
nail nixat -niat
know nuˈxwa nʷo
old ˈtɛxɛ-ˈjartaʔ-jar
cuscus θaxomandʏrθɔmondʉr
arrow ˈsitaxa tʃiˈtɛ
wallaby saxu tʃoʔu
hot waˈxɛ wɛʔ
leaf waxar waʔar
bad jaˈxur joʔur
-x
five mɛˈrɛx ˈmærɛ ~ mæræ
weep/cry nɛx
rope nɛx
tooth trɛːx t̪rɛ
voice/languageŋganx -ŋgaŋ
egg wax wa
smoke wo-ˈtax wə-ðæ
excrement rɛːx rːɛ ~ rːæ
rattan juˈax juˈwa

… /w/ …:

Drabbe Susanto
w- w-
sun wen wɛn
water wer wɛr ~ wær
light color-watɛ-ˈjar-ʷatɛrja ~wətɛrja
kunai grasswas waːtʃ
egg wax wa
leaf waxar waʔar
hot waˈxɛ wɛʔ
ashes wo-ˈtin wə-t̪in
smoke wo-ˈtax wə-ðæ

… One solution would be to treat these sequences as underlying vowel /u/ followed by another vowel. However, it is conspicuous that all these examples involve a preceding bilabial or labiodental consonant. This suggests rounding to be a feature of the consonants themselves, presumably /mʷ (m)bʷ fʷ/:

Drabbe Susanto
mw- mu-
rain mwar muᵊr
bw- b- bʷ- bʊw-
sago bwik ~ bik-bʷikʰ
bamboo bwer ˈbʊwɛr
(-)mbw-(-)mbw-
friend (-)mbwin -mbwin
fw- fu-
mouse/ratfwos fuətʃ

…:

Drabbe Susanto
-w- -w-
cassowaryaˈwi oᵘwi ~ oᵘwɪ
dog wawant (?)nowont

…:

Drabbe Susanto
hair of headto-ˈmwɛntɔ-ˈmæn
know nuˈxwa nʷo

Initially, apical non-stop /r/ is not common, but definitely exists. Medially and finally, it is far and away the most common consonant in the Ndom language:

Drabbe Susanto
r- r-
person ref rɛf
head rɛːt rɛt̪ʰ
excrement rɛːx rːɛ ~ rːæ
mouth rantʏr ranˈtʉr
-r- -r-
all ɛntɛrˈfin ɛnd̪ɛrˈfiɛn
far uˈtaxarɛ uˈtɛʔrɛ
house urendʏr urɛndʉr
tongue mɛfrɛr mɛˈfrɛr
five mɛˈrɛx ˈmærɛ ~ mæræ
above maxaˈrɛ maʔ rɛ
star beˈrem bɛˈrɛm ~bəˈrɛm
big taruˈma ˈt̪ərmo
stand tʏbʏrɛ ˈtubrɛ
tooth trɛːx t̪rɛ
outside θrɛˈtat θəˈtrɛtatɛ
wind θruˈi θru
many sisɛˈrɛ tʃiˈtʃɛrɛ
arm/hand kra- rːa ~ ra-
good xaˈfrɛ əˈfrɛ
bow xaˈrɛf rɛf
man/male xarefɛ θɛ-ˌɛrɛθɛ-
crocodile ˈxaraːma ˈrama
bandicoot xaˈrof rof ~ rɔf
tail xoˈrub urub
grab xra ra
evil jerɛmʏn ˈjɛrɛmu
river jɛˈrama jɛˈrama
-r -r
lip(s) aˈfɛ-kir əˈfɛ-kir
blind unaˈfur oˈnofu (?)
see uθʏr ɛθːʲʊr
house urendʏr urɛndʉr
tongue mɛfrɛr mɛˈfrɛr
six mɛr mær
short maθebʏr maθjɛbʉr
fence mar maːr
tie mʏr myr
belly mʏr mʉr
rain mwar muᵊr
laugh mdɛˈsar mˈdɛtʃar
bamboo bwer ˈbʊwɛr
bird nɛmbʏr- nɛmbʉr
new/young nɛr- ˈnɛr- ~ ˈnær-
name (-)nar nar
foot/leg tur tur
tree ndʏr ⁿdʉr
cuscus θaxomandʏrθɔmondʉr
sand θʏθʏr ðʊˈður
charcoal/blackθur- θur
leech sir tʃir
cough sɛɾ-sɛ(ː)rtʃær-tʃɛr
skin/bark kri-ˈkir ˈkir-kir ~ kɪr-kir
taro xanaːˈtur ˈnatur
coconut xur ˈur
water wer wɛr ~ wær
leaf waxar waʔar
mouth rantʏr ranˈtʉr
wife jebʏr -jɛˈbʊr
bad jaˈxur joʔur
adj. suffix -jar -jar

Palatal non-stop /j/ has been clearly found only root-initially:

Drabbe Susanto
j- j-
wife jebʏr -jɛˈbʊr
evil jerɛmʏnˈjɛrɛmu
river jɛˈramajɛˈrama
paddle jaːf jaf
urine jan jan
cold jat jat̪ʰ
bad jaˈxur joʔur
breadfruit jot juət̪ʰ
adj. suffix-jar -jar
rattan juˈax juˈwa

… /j/ …”

Drabbe Susanto
-ø--j-
shortmaθebʏrmaθjɛbʉr
smallmaθefe maˈθijɛfɛ

… consonant clusters …:

Drabbe Susanto
md- md-
laugh mdɛˈsar mˈdɛtʃar
tr- t̪r-
tooth trɛːx t̪rɛ
θr- θr-
wind θruˈi θru
kr- rː- r-
arm/hand kra- rːa ~ ra-
-fr- -fr-
tongue mɛfrɛr mɛˈfrɛr
good xaˈfrɛ əˈfrɛ
-rf- -rf-
all ɛntɛrˈfinɛnd̪ɛrˈfiɛn
-ns -ntʃ
die xains ɛntʃ
-nx
voice/languageŋganx -ŋgaŋ
-rt -rt̪
night ɛrt ɛrt̪

Two probable clusters involving labiodental fricative /f/ followed by apicals … In the first of these, the modifying root is /if/ “woman”, but [f] is absent from both elicitations; the second is likely the root for “bow” folowed by an element of unknown meaning:

Drabbe Susanto
-t- -t-
grandmother(-)i-tɛt -j-tɛtʰ
-fVθ- -θ-
man/male xarefɛ θɛ-ˌɛrɛθɛ-

In monosyllables with initial high front vowel /i/, Susanto's elicitations have a preposed palatal non-stop [j]. This should probably be viewed as a property of non-phonemic vowel length and stress:

Drabbe Susanto
i iːji jiː
bile jiː
woman if jif
bone/spinein jin
sleep jiθ

High front vowel /i/ …:

Drabbe Susanto
i i ɪ
1 pl. ni ni
child (-)ni (-)ni
2 pl. ki ki
earth/groundnit niːtʰ
leech sir tʃir
knee kiθ kiθ
bathe θiθi θəθi
three iˈθin iˈðin
skin/bark kri-ˈkir ˈkir-kir ~ kɪr-kir
below nit-ˈɛ ˈnit-ɛ
many sisɛˈrɛ tʃiˈtʃɛrɛ
nail nixat -niat
arrow ˈsitaxa tʃiˈtɛ
friend (-)mbwin -mbwin
sago bwik ~ bik-bʷikʰ
fruit/seed fɛˈsin fɛˈtʃin
four θoˈniθ θʷəˈniθ
ashes wo-ˈtin wə-t̪in
cassowary aˈwi oᵘwi ~ oᵘwɪ
seek aθit aˈθiθ

Drabbe's high central rounded vowel <ö> /ʏ/ is usually answered by [ʉ y] in Susanto's transcription. As is evident below, it is nearly always followed by word-final apical non-stop /r/, or, in a few instances, by nasals /m n/, suggesting it to be not a phoneme but a component of syllabic resonants /m n r/ [m̩ n̩ r̩]:

Drabbe Susanto
ʏn ʉn
louse nɛːmʏn nɛˈmʉn
ʏr ʉr yr
tie mʏr myr
belly mʏr mʉr
tree ndʏr ⁿdʉr
bird nɛmbʏr- nɛmbʉr
house urendʏr urɛndʉr
short maθebʏr maθjɛbʉr
mouth rantʏr ranˈtʉr
cuscusθaxomandʏrθɔmondʉr

In one example, the medial segment is ambiguous between [bʏr] and consonant cluster [br], lending support to the notion that there is no underlying vowel:

Drabbe Susanto
bʏrbr
standtʏbʏrɛ ˈtubrɛ

In a few examples, Drabbe's /ʏ/is answered by Susanto's [u ʊ]. Since these are found in similar environments to the examples above, we can probably attribute the variation to Susanto's elicitation:

Drabbe Susanto
ʏn u
eviljerɛmʏnˈjɛrɛmu
ʏr ur ʊr
see uθʏr ɛθːʲʊr
sandθʏθʏr ðʊˈður
wifejebʏr -jɛˈbʊr

These patterns contrast with high rounded back vowel /u/ in segmentally identical environments:

Drabbe Susanto
un un
nipa palm bun bʊːn
husband namun -ˈnɔmun
ur ur
foot/leg tur tur
charcoal/blackθur- θur
coconut xur ˈur
bad jaˈxur joʔur
blind unaˈfur oˈnofu
taro xanaːˈturˈnatur

Unlike central rounded [ʏ ʉ y], high back /u/ is not restricted to any particular environment. In destressed positions, it is sometimes given as schwa [ə] in Susanto's vocabulary:

Drabbe Susanto
u u
fire u
hear mu mu
ear/digitmuˈnumb munumb
wind θruˈi θru
far uˈtaxarɛuˈtɛʔrɛ
tail xoˈrub urub
wallaby saxu tʃoʔu

In two examples, /u/ in presumably destressed positions is given as schwa [ə] in Susanto's vocabulary:

Drabbe Susanto
u ə
washuθuθuf əðuf
moonxubaˈnaəˈbona

As elsewhere throughout his vocabularies of southwest New Guinea, Drabbe distinguishes high mid fron vowel <é> /e/ from low mid <e> /ɛ/. Meanwhile Susanto distinguishes low mid friont [ɛ] from lowfront [æ], though for a number of words both are given. … It is quite conceivable that a distinction between high mid and low mid or low front vowels existed for proto-Kolopom, but if so its difficult to see where this distinction would be drawn for Ndom:

Drabbe Susanto
e ɛ
1 sg. ne
banana θeb θɛb
two θef θɛf
sun wen wɛn
person ref rɛf
star beˈrem bɛˈrɛm ~bəˈrɛm
wife jebʏr -jɛˈbʊr
evil jerɛmʏn ˈjɛrɛmu
bamboo bwer ˈbʊwɛr
house urendʏr urɛndʉr
small maθefe maˈθijɛfɛ
short maθebʏr maθjɛbʉr
ɛ ɛ
thorn mɛː
stone mɛːt mɛːt̪ʰ
weep/cry nɛx
grandfather (-)ntɛt -nd̪ɛt̪
head rɛːt rɛt̪ʰ
night ɛrt ɛrt̪
tooth trɛːx t̪rɛ
long jɛˈθɛ jɛˈθɛ
tongue mɛfrɛr mɛˈfrɛr
fruit/seed fɛˈsin fɛˈtʃin
all ɛntɛrˈfin ɛnd̪ɛrˈfiɛn
louse nɛːmʏn nɛˈmʉn
bird nɛmbʏr- nɛmbʉr
evil jerɛmʏn ˈjɛrɛmu
laugh mdɛˈsar mˈdɛtʃar
outside θrɛˈtat θəˈtrɛtatɛ
river jɛˈrama jɛˈrama
below nit-ˈɛ ˈnit-ɛ
grandmother (-)i-tɛt -j-tɛtʰ
many sisɛˈrɛ tʃiˈtʃɛrɛ
stand tʏbʏrɛ ˈtubrɛ
bow xaˈrɛf rɛf
good xaˈfrɛ əˈfrɛ
hot waˈxɛ wɛʔ
above maxaˈrɛ maʔ rɛ
lip(s) aˈfɛ-kir əˈfɛ-kir
light color -watɛ-ˈjar-ʷatɛrja ~wətɛrja
man/male xarefɛ θɛ-ˌɛrɛθɛ-
far uˈtaxarɛ uˈtɛʔrɛ
e ɛ æ
water wer wɛr ~ wær
ɛ ɛ æ
3 sg. ɛf ɛf ~ æf
new/young nɛr- ˈnɛr- ~ ˈnær-
excrement rɛːx rːɛ ~ rːæ
cough sɛɾ-sɛ(ː)rtʃær-tʃɛr
five mɛˈrɛx ˈmærɛ ~ mæræ
ɛ æ
3 pl. ɛnt ænd
hair/feather(s)mɛːn mæn
six mɛr mær
rope nɛx
five mɛˈrɛx ˈmærɛ ~ mæræ
ɛ æ a
blood ɛθ ~ ɛt- æθ ~ að-
ɛ a
old ˈtɛxɛ-ˈjartaʔ-jar

When Drabbe's mid back rounded vowel /o/ is preceded by velar fricative /x/, it is reflected as high /u/ in Susanto's vocabulary:

DrabbeSusanto
xou [u w]
pig xoˈa wa
eat xot ut̪ʰ
tailxoˈruburub

There is only one other example of Drabbe's /o/ corresponding to Susanto's [u], and here either Susanto's vowel is in error, as low central /a/ is not backed and rounded as it usually owuld be when followed by /u/ in the next syllable (below, ) or Drabbe's <ò> was meant to read <ö> /ʏ/ (above):

Drabbe Susanto
o u
mountainθaːˈmotθamuθ

Thus we conclude that there is no basis to propose a distinction between high mid and low mid back rounded vowels /o ɔ/ as is found in many other Trans-New Guinea languages and families.

… In the first two examples, the root is most likely /u/ “fire”:

Drabbe Susanto
wo owə uə
ashes wo-ˈtin wə-t̪in
smoke wo-ˈtax wə-ðæ
mouse/rat fwos fuətʃ
breadfruitjot juət̪ʰ
four θoˈniθ θʷəˈniθ

Otherwise, Drabbe's /o/ is found as [o ɔ ɤ] in Susanto's vocabulary:

Drabbe Susanto
o o ɔ ɤ
speak bot-bot bɤtᵊ-bɤt
hair of headto-ˈmwɛn tɔ-ˈmæn
plus abo -ɤbo-
bandicoot xaˈrof rof ~ rɔf
cuscus θaxomandʏrθɔmondʉr

Drabbe's low central vowel /a/ is backed and rounded to [ɔ o] in Susanto's vocabulary when followed by bilabial non-stop /w/ or high rounded back /u/ in the next syllable :

Drabbe Susanto
aCu oCu ɔCu
wallaby saxu tʃoʔu
husband namun -ˈnɔmun
bad jaˈxur joʔur
blind unaˈfur oˈnofu
aw ow oᵘw
cassowaryaˈwi oᵘwi ~ oᵘwɪ
dog wawant (?)nowont

However there is at least one apparent exception to this rule:

Drabbe Susanto
aCu aCu
taroxanaːˈturˈnatur

It is not clear if this occurs with Drabbe's central rounded vowel /ʏ/ (Susanto's [ʉ y], above):

Drabbe Susanto
aCʏ aCʉ
mouth rantʏr ranˈtʉr
aCʏ oCʉ
cuscusθaxomandʏrθɔmondʉr

In a few instances …:

Drabbe Susanto
uCauCo
knownuˈxwa nʷo
moonxubaˈnaəˈbona
big taruˈmaˈt̪ərmo

When immediately following velar voiceless fricative /x/, low central /a/ is most usually reflected as schwa [ə] or dropped altogether in Susanto's vocabulary:

Drabbe Susanto
a ə ø
fish -xaˈna ᵊna
wing xaˈfam əˈfam
crocodileˈxaraːma ˈrama
taro xanaːˈturˈnatur
good xaˈfrɛ əˈfrɛ
bow xaˈrɛf rɛf
bandicootxaˈrof rof ~ rɔf

…:

Drabbe Susanto
a ə
lip(s)aˈfɛ-kirəˈfɛ-kir

Otherwise, /a/ occurs in at least medial and final positions unchanged:

Drabbe Susanto
a a
mother (-)ma -ma
1 sg. poss. na na-
1 pl. poss. nda ⁿda-
breast mam mam
fence mar maːr
name (-)nar nar
hand/arm taːn tan-
canoe θam θam
shoot θam θaməβə
one sas tʃatʃ
kunai grass was waːtʃ
egg wax wa
paddle jaːf jaf
urine jan jan
cold jat jat̪ʰ
adj. suffix -jar -jar
voice/languageŋganx -ŋgaŋ
arm/hand kra- rːa ~ ra-
grab xra ra
lime/white ˈmax- ma ~ maʔ(-)
fish -xaˈna ᵊna
root xaˈta aˈða
wing xaˈfam əˈfam
leaf waxar waʔar
crocodile ˈxaraːmaˈrama
seek aθit aˈθiθ
short maθebʏr maθjɛbʉr
small maθefe maˈθijɛfɛ
nail nixat -niat
rattan juˈax juˈwa
moon xubaˈna əˈbona
laugh mdɛˈsar mˈdɛtʃar
river jɛˈrama jɛˈrama
pig xoˈa wa

Pronouns

Drabbe (1949: 5-6) gives pronouns for Ndom in three case forms as follows, with Susanto's (2001: 4) nominative forms presented for comparison:

nominativeobliquepossessivenominative
Drabbe Drabbe Drabbe Susanto
1 sg.ne na-ntɛ na
2 sg.xe xa-ntɛ xa ?
3 sg.ɛf eˈfɛ eˈfɛ ɛf ~ æf
1 pl.ni ni-ntɛ nda ni
2 pl.ki ki-ntɛ ka-ntɛ ki
3 pl.ɛnt ɛntɛˈfɛɛˈntɛ ænd

Verbal morphology

According to Drabbe (1949,) Ndom, like Kimaghama and Riantana, is a nearly isolating language with no verbal morphology.

Loans from neighboring languages

…Indonesian …:

IndonesianNdom Ndom
Drabbe Susanto
machete paraŋ paˈraŋa
wall ndindiŋ ndrin ~ n͜diˈrin
sick/illsakit saːki

…cannot be from Indonesian /aⁱr/ …:

Ndom Ndom
DrabbeSusanto
waterwer wɛr ~ wær

…:

IndonesianNdom Ndom
DrabbeSusanto
knife pisaᵘ pitʃɔwɔʔ
tobaccotəmbakaᵘ ˈtamku
axe kəˈpɛrɛ

…:

Ndom Ndom C. KolopomMarianne Strait
DrabbeSusanto
sago flour aˈjɛŋa *æiŋga
areca nut ˈpɛre *pare̝
betel pepper dɛˈdim *ndætim
paradise sp.karari *kar[i/e̝]r[e̝]