Timothy Usher (Santa Fe Institute) and Edgar Suter
Timothy Usher and Edgar Suter 2015. “The Anim languages of southern New Guinea” Oceanic Linguistics 54(1): 110-142.
The Fly River family is comprised of perhaps eighteen or nineteen languages spoken in South New Guinea, from the Casuarina Coast region and Marianne Strait in the west to the the Papuan Gulf in the east.
The internal classification of Fly River is as follows:
Fly River
Marind-Yaqay
Marind
Yaqay-Warkay
Lake Murray
Lower Fly River
Inland Gulf
Ipiko
West Inland Gulf
[under construction]
Nevermann (1940) Sohur (Yaqay)
Drabbe (1954: 73-98) grammar and (pp. 128-142) 428 comparative terms for Jaqaj
Voorhoeve (1971: 92-94) brief description and (pp. 110-114) 107 comparative terms for Warkay
Kainakainu, Paidi, Rinantanti and Morin (1988) phonology and (pp. 97-184) large comparative vocabulary of Yakhai
Kanakaimu (2000) Yakhai verbs (unobtained)
Kriens and Lebold (2010: 40-53) 239 comparative terms for Yaqay of Kogo, Kotup, Rayam, Wairu and Wanggate villages
Ray (1907: 391-412) … comparative terms for Tugeri after Montague (n.d.)
van der Kolk and Vertenten (1922) dictionary of Marindineesch
van der Kolk (1926) Marindineesch kin terms
Geurtjens (1926) Marindineesch grammar (unobtained)
Geurtjens (1933: 46-350) dictionary of Marindineesch (Southeast Marind,) large vocabularies of (pp. 373-383) Sangaseesch (Atih) and (pp. 385-395) Boven-Biansch (Mbian) dialects and (pp. 398-433) 455 comparative terms for Marindineesch
Nevermann (1939: 15, …) … for Marind-anim (Southeast Marind)
Boelaars (1950: 1-18) English-language recension of Drabbe's unpublished grammar of Gawir (Southeast Marind)
Drabbe (1954: 99-117) grammar of Boven-Mbian of Kolam village and (pp. 128-142) 427 comparative terms for Boven-Mbian and Gawir (Southeast Marind)
Drabbe (1955: ibid.) grammar of East Marind of Urumb village and (pp. 148-151) 98 comparative terms for Ooster (East,) Wester (West,) Atih, Kumb and Mbian dialects
Donohue (1996) 159 comparative terms for Kuler (Southeast Marind) and Sanayu (Kumbe) villages
Sohn, Lebold and Kriens (2009: 31-42) … comparative terms for Matara village (Southeast Marind)
Lebold, Kriens and de Vries (2010: 46-56) 240 comparative terms for Alaku, Ihalik, Kaptel and Sanggase villages and 69 comparative terms for Kaniskobat, Makaling, Nakias, Okaba, Poepe, Tagaepe and Wambi villages
Murray (1916-1917) 57 Zimakani words
Austen (1921-1922a) 69 comparative terms for Village Y (Koumak)
Austen (1921-1922b) 47 comparative terms for two varieties of Zimakani (Lake Murray, Village Z,) Village Y (Koumak) and unidentified dialect (Village X) of Kuni-Boazi. Austen's Lake Murray terms are drawn from Murray (1916-1917)
Rentoul (1924-1925) 106 comparative terms for Koumak
Nevermann (1939) …
Boelaars (1950: 55-59) English language recension of Drabbe's unpublished grammar of Boazi
Drabbe (1954: 118-127) grammar and (pp. 128-142) 418 comparative terms for Boazi
Voorhoeve (1970: 7-14) 242 comparative terms for Bagwa (Begua) and Zimakani dialects of Zimakani, and South Boazi and Kuini dialects of Kuni-Boazi
Fumey (2005) Kuni absolutives (unobtained)
Fumey (2006) sketch phonology of Kuni
Fumey (2007) grammar of Kuni
Fumey (p.c. 2014) notes on Kuni grammar
Chalmers (1897: 139-144) 93 terms for Tagota (Makayam) (unobtained)
Ray (1907: 391-412) … comparative terms for Pisirami (Makayam) after Riley (n.d.) and Tagota after Chalmers (1897)
Ray (1923) …
Riley (1931-1932: 172-189) 415 comparative terms for Tirio (Baramu)
Williams (1936: 30-31) 7 comparative terms for Arama (Were) and Anima (Makayam)
Jore (2002) 190 comparative terms for Bituri of Upiara, Bisuaka and Tewara villages
Jore (2002) 190 comparative terms for Were of Dewala village
Jore (2002) 190 comparative terms for Makayam of Lewada and Aduru villages and Baramu of Tirio #2
Jore (2002) 190 comparative terms for Abom and Giribam of Janor village
Jore and Alemán (2002: 43-48) 162 comparative terms for Bituri of Upiara, Bisuaka and Tewara villages, Giribam of Janor, Makayam of Lewada and Aduru, Were of Dewala, Baramu of Tiro #2 and Abom
Johnston (1919-1920) 120 comparative terms for Eme-eme (Foeafoea) of Korariperamesina or Pepeha village
Cridland (1923-1924) 130 comparative terms for Mahigi village
Chance (1925-1926) 131 comparative terms for Ipiko of Amipoki village
Franklin (1973: 270-273) miscellaneous notes including lexicostatistics, phonological observations and pronouns for Ipiko (Ibigo,) Minanibai (Foeafoea) and Tao-Suamato (Mubami)
Franklin ed. (1973: 577-578,) Franklin (1975: 264-268) 100 comparative terms for Ipiko, Minanibai and Tao-Suamato
Reesink (1976) 100 comparative terms for Tao-Suamato
Reesink (n.d.) survey vocabulary of Tao-Suamato provided in comparative spreadsheet format by Paul Whitehouse via the Summer Institute of Linguistics, Ukarumpa
Carr (1991) 120 comparative terms for Foyafoya of Bibisa village, Hoyahoya of Matakia and Hoyahoya (Hoia Hoia) of Ukusi-Kaperami
Carr (1991) 99 comparative terms for Ipiko, Minanibai and Mubami
Carr (2006) 164 comparative terms and 20 comparative phrases for Pepeha village (Foeafoea)
Carr (2006) sketch phonology of Hoyahoya
MacKenzie (2002) 176 comparative terms and 19 comparative phrases for Mubami of Ugu/Kala, Parieme and Sogae villages
Petterson (2002) 170 comparative terms and 2 comparative phrases for the Eva dialect of Ipiko
Petterson (2007: 17-32) 971 terms for Eva of Pakeuaba village
Petterson (2014) 204 comparative terms and 26 comparative phrases for Foeafoea of Bibisa village
Petterson (2014) notes on Eva grammar
Petterson (2014) dictionary of Eva and Ibigo
Allen and Keneqa (2006) sketch phonology of Foia Foia with no English-language glosses
[under construction]
Ray (1907) …
The existence of a special relationship between Marind and Zimakani implicitly recognized nearly a century ago by Anonymous' (1917-1918: 98) “Comparative vocabularies of language spoken at Lake Murray…and of the language of the Marind-Anim, at Merauke.” This classification also appears in Murray and Ray (1918: 40-45,) albeit with comparisons to some Trans-Fly languages included.
Drabbe (1954, Boelaars 1950.) …
Voorhoeve (1968: 5) placed Drabbe's Yaqay-Marind-Boazi family in his Central and South Guinea Stock. Tirio was also included in the stock, but its special relationship to the western families was not discerned, the only languages to which it was lexicostatistically compared being the unrelated Kiwai and Meriam (pp. 7-8.)
Franklin (1968: 27-28) recognized West Inland Gulf as the Bamu-Turaman Family, including Pepeha, Mahigi and Karami, which he distinguished from the Kikori River languages. Ipiko (Ipikoi), at this time considered an unclassified isolate (p. 28-29,) was added in (1973: 269-272) to form the Inland Gulf family as it's known today. This was preented in (1975: 861) as a sub-phylum level stock in the Trans New Guinea phylum, with a special relationship both to Kikori River (Turama-Kikorian) and to Voorhoeve's Central and South New Guinea Stock.
Voorhoeve (1971: 92-94) Warkai …
Greenberg (1971: 825-829) included both Lower Fly River (Tirio group) and Marind-Yaqay and Lake Murray (Marind group) in his Southwest New Guinea subgroup of Nuclear New Guinea. These were presented as coequal branches alongside Digul River-Ok and Kratke Range (Angan) a proposal for which, particularly in the latter case, we can find no support. The Inland Gulf languages were conflated with Kiwai (and Tabo) (p. 829) due to the presence of loans in both directions, a placement sharply contested by Franklin (1973: 382-383.)
…
Jore and Alemán (2002) …
[under construction]
Due to the relative scarcity of Lower Fly River and Inland Gulf data, it's likely that some problems might at this time not be possible to adequately address, and many protoforms presented here can only be provisional. However, we can provide a rudimentary phonological framework within which the reconstruction of Proto-Fly River can be further developed.
Proto-Fly River had perhaps 13 consonants and 5 vowels as follows:
| *m | *n | ||
| *p | *t | *k | |
| *mb | *nd | *ŋg | |
| *ɸ | *s | ||
| *w | *r | *j |
| *i | *u | |
| *e | *o | |
| *a |
The predominance of Marind-Yaqay and Lake Murray in the following charts likely reflect variability in attestation, rather than relative genetic distance.
Nasals /*m *n/ are generally invariable in all subgroups and occur in all positions:
| Fly River | Marind-Yaqay | Lake Murray | Lower Fly | Inland Gulf | |
| *m | *m | *m | *m | *m | |
| ?sand | ?*miri | ?*miri | *miri | ||
| voice/speech | *mean | *mean | *mean | ||
| two | *meas[i] | *m[i]si[ka] “3” | *mis | *measi | |
| mouth/tooth | *maŋgot | *maŋg[e/a]t | *maŋgat | *magot | *maɣ̃oto |
| earth/ground | *mokan | *mokan | |||
| fruit/seed | *moko[m] | *mokom | *moko | *moɣom | *moko-moko |
| heart | *muki[k] | *muki[k] | *muki | ||
| sugarcane | *ɸim[e/a]k | *him[e]k | *fim[e/a]k | ||
| louse | *n[u]m[u]ŋg | *numuŋg | |||
| nape | *temuk | *temuk | *tumuku | ||
| masc. sg. | *-[ae]m | *-[ae]m | *-ame | ||
| younger brother | *am | *am | *am | ||
| people | *anim | *anim | *anim | *anim | *animi |
| man | *anem | *anem | *anem | *anem | *aneme |
| woman | *anum | *anum | *anum | *anum | *anumu |
| navel | *ndekum | *dekum | *dukum | *duɣum | *dukumu |
| tail/feather(s) | *sum | *sum | *sum | ||
| tooth | *kam | *kam | *kam | ||
| belly | *ŋgandam | *ɣandam | *ɣandam | ||
| *n | *n | *n | *n | *n | |
| 1 pl. | *ni | *ni(-k) | *ni | ||
| banana | *napet | *napet | *napet | *napeto | |
| mosquito | *n[a/o]ŋgit | *naŋgit | *naŋg[a]it | *n[a/o]ɣ̃iti | |
| leech/crocodile | *naŋgo | *naŋgo | *naŋgo | ||
| 1 sg. | *no | *nok | *no(-k) | *nog | *no |
| sleep | *nu | *nu | *nu | ||
| louse | *n[u]m[u]ŋg | *numuŋg | |||
| people | *anim | *anim | *anim | *anim | *animi |
| man | *anem | *anem | *anem | *anem | *aneme |
| woman | *anum | *anum | *anum | *anum | *anumu |
| voice/speech | *mean | *mean | *mean | ||
| lie down/sleep | *tenV | *tena | *tene | *teno | |
| darkness | *nd… | *din[o][h] | *duniawi | ?*d[e]n[ao] | |
| tendon/vein | *kenik | *kenik | *k[i]nik | ||
| egg/seed | *kanV | *kan[a] | *kan[e] | ||
| earth/ground | *mokan | *mokan | |||
| stand | *ratin | *atin | *ten | *ratin |
Plain stops /*p *t *k/ are generally retained as such in all subfamilies:
| Fly River | Marind-Yaqay | Lake Murray | Lower Fly | Inland Gulf | |
| *p | *p | *p | *p | *p | |
| forearm | *piŋgi | *piŋgi | *pipiɣ̃i | ||
| star | *opap | *opap | *op[o]po | ||
| banana | *napet | *napet | *napet | *napeto | |
| lip | *[u]tup | *utup | *[i/u]tupu | ||
| night | *ŋgap | *ɣap | *ɣap | *ɣ̃apo | |
| *t | *t | *t | *t | *t | |
| nape | *temuk | *temuk | *tumuku | ||
| lie down/sleep | *tenV | *tena | *tene | *teno | |
| fire | *tae | *tae | *ta[j]e | ||
| wing | *taɸ | *tah | *taf | *taɸu | |
| root | *itit | *itit | *titi | ||
| chin | *ete | *ete | *ete | ||
| lip | *[u]tup | *utup | *[i/u]tupu | ||
| who?/what? | *[u/w][a]tei | *watei | *w[a/o]tei | ||
| coconut | *[oa]ŋgat | *oŋgat | *uaŋgat | ||
| mouth/tooth | *maŋgot | *maŋg[e/a]t | *maŋgat | *magot | *maɣ̃oto |
| banana | *napet | *napet | *napet | *napeto | |
| mosquito | *n[a/o]ŋgit | *naŋgit | *naŋg[a]it | *n[a/o]ɣ̃iti | |
| stand | *ratin | *atin | *ten | *ratin | |
| *k | *k | *k | *k | *k | |
| woman/wife | *ki[ɸ/w]a[i/j]u | *kiwa[i/j]u | *ki[ɸ/w]aju | ||
| eye | *kindV[C] | *kind | |||
| tendon/vein | *kenik | *kenik | *k[i]nik | ||
| tail | *k[e]nd[e]ɸ | *k[e]nd[e]h | |||
| cassowary | *ka[u]i[u] (?) | *ka[u]i[u] (?) | *kau[j] (?) | ||
| tooth | *kam | *kam | *kam | ||
| egg/seed | *kanV | *kan[a] | *kan[e] | ||
| saliva | *kase | *kase | *kase |
Medial /*k/ is fricated and voiced to /*ɣ/ in Lower Fly River and retained as /*k/ elsewhere:
| Fly River | Marind-Yaqay | Lake Murray | Lower Fly | Inland Gulf | |
| *-k- | *k | *k | *ɣ | *k | |
| fruit/seed | *moko[m] | *mokom | *moko | *moɣom | *moko-moko |
| heart | *muki[k] | *muki[k] | *muki | ||
| navel | *ndekum | *dekum | *dukum | *duɣum | *dukumu |
Final /*k/ …:
| Fly River | Marind-Yaqay | Lake Murray | Lower Fly | Inland Gulf | |
| *-k | *k | *k | *k | ||
| accompany | *aɸik | *ahik | *fik | ||
| pig | *mbasik | *basik | *basik | ||
| sugarcane | *ɸim[e/a]k | *him[e]k | *fim[e/a]k | ||
| nape | *temuk | *temuk | *tumuku | ||
| tendon/vein | *kenik | *kenik | *k[i]nik |
Initial anterior prenasalized stops /*mb *nd/ are realized as plain voiced stops /*b *d/ in all subfamilies:
| Fly River | Marind-Yaqay | Lake Murray | Lower Fly | Inland Gulf | |
| *mb- | *b | *b | *b | *b | |
| bone | *mbai[a]ŋg | *bajag | *baig | ||
| pig | *mbasik | *basik | *basik | ||
| thigh | *mboɸo | *bofo | *boɸo | ||
| breast | *mbumb | *bub | *bub | ||
| *nd- | *d | *d | *d | *d | |
| tree | *nde | *de | *de | ||
| navel | *ndekum | *dekum | *dukum | *duɣum | *dukumu |
| sago | *nd[o]u | ?*da | *dou | *dou | |
| darkness | *nd… | *din[o][h] | *duniawi | ?*d[e]n[ao] |
Medial /*nd/ …:
| Fly River | Marind-Yaqay | Lake Murray | Lower Fly | Inland Gulf | |
| *-nd- | *nd | *nd | |||
| eye | *kindV | *kind | |||
| tail | *k[e]nd[e]ɸ | *k[e]nd[e]h | |||
| belly | *ŋgandam | *ɣandam | *ɣandam | ||
| palm/sole | *j[e/a]ndV | *jandV | *jenda |
There is as of yet no indication that /*mb/ occurred medially.
Since initial plain voiced /*g/ exists in all subfamilies, it might be expected that these would reflect Fly River initial /*ŋg/. However, no indisputable examples of such a correspondence have yet been identified. On the other hand, velar non-stop /*ɣ/ is similarly allowed in medial position in all subfamilies, but in Lower Fly River it's known to reflect medial /*k/ (above,) while in Inland Gulf it reflects medial /*ŋg/ (below); no non-initial examples of /*ɣ/ corresponding to one another have been identified. Accordingly, we propose that the reflex of Fly River /*ŋg/ is /*ɣ/ in all subfamilies, and that Fly RIver lacked a phonemic /*ɣ/:
| Fly River | Marind-Yaqay | Lake Murray | Lower Fly | Inland Gulf | |
| *ŋg- | *ɣ | *ɣ | *ɣ | *ɣ̃ | |
| drink | *ŋg[a]i | *ɣ[e]i | *ɣ[i]j (?) | *ɣai | |
| rain | *ŋg[oe] | *ɣae | *ɣae | *ɣ̃ojV | |
| night | *ŋgap | *ɣap | *ɣap | *ɣ̃ap[o] | |
| belly | *ŋgandam | *ɣandam | *ɣandam | ||
| 2 sg. | *ŋgo | *oɣ | *ɣo(-k) | *ɣog | *ɣ̃o |
This solution finds support in /*ŋgV/ forms of the second person in other Trans-New Guinea subfamilies. The Owen Stanley Range form is at least superficially [*ɣa], however it's probable that this, too, can be reduced to /*ŋgV/. It's also conceivable that the second person plural was /*ŋgio/ rather than /*[i/e]o/, and that initial /*ŋg/ [ɣ] was merely lost before /*i/, as otherwise no examples of this initial segment have been identified. Drabbe (1954: 74) specifies that Yaqay /q/, which reflects /*ɣ/, is not found followed by vowels other than /a o/; this is overwhelmingly (though not exceptionlessly) the case with Marind /*ɣ/ as well.
Medial /*ŋg/ is reflected as plain voiced /*g/ in Lower Fly and as nasalized fricative /*ɣ̃/ in Inland Gulf:
| Fly River | Marind-Yaqay | Lake Murray | Lower Fly | Inland Gulf | |
| *ŋg | *ŋg | *ŋg | *g | *ɣ̃ | |
| coconut | *[oa]ŋgat | *oŋgat | *uaŋgat | ||
| mouth/tooth | *maŋgot | *maŋg[e/a]t | *maŋgat | *magot | *maɣ̃oto |
| forearm | *piŋgi | *piŋgi | *pipiɣ̃i | ||
| mosquito | *n[a/o]ŋgit | *naŋgit | *naŋg[a]it | *n[a/o]ɣ̃iti | |
| leech/crocodile | *naŋgo | *naŋgo | *naŋgo | ||
| am/hand | *s[e/a]ŋga | *s[e/a]ŋga | *saga | *saɣ̃a | |
| fish | *j[a/o]ŋga | *j[a]ŋg[V] | *jonga |
One apparent counterexample is a compound, exemplifying one of several ways in which prenasalized and plain voiced stops might become contrastive:
| Fly River | Marind-Yaqay | Lake Murray | Lower Fly | Inland Gulf | |
| 3 sg. m. | *e-gia | *egia | *igia |
Final prenasalized stops /*mb *nd *ŋg/, if these are to be taken as final, are not very common:
| Fly River | Marind-Yaqay | Lake Murray | Lower Fly | Inland Gulf | |
| *-mb | *b | *b | |||
| breast | *mbumb | *bub | *bub | ||
| *-nd | *d | *d | |||
| laugh | *awend | *awed | *awed | ||
| *-ŋg | *ɣ | *… | *… | ||
| bone | *mbai[a]ŋg | *bajag | *baig | ||
| louse | *n[u]m[u]ŋg | *numuŋg | |||
| branch | *taŋg | *taɣ | *taŋg |
Bilabial fricative /*ɸ/ is deoccluded to /*h/ in Marind-Yaqay.:
| Fly River | Marind-Yaqay | Lake Murray | Lower Fly | Inland Gulf | |
| *ɸ | *h | *f | *w | *ɸ | |
| bone | *ɸia[u] | *hiau | *ɸia | ||
| sugarcane | *ɸim[e/a]k | *him[e]k | *fim[e/a]k | ||
| accompany | *aɸik | *ahik | *fik | ||
| house | *aɸV | *aha | *fa | *aɸo | |
| give birth | *aɸ | *ah | *af | ||
| lung(s) | *aɸaɸ | *ahah | *faf | ||
| thigh | *mboɸo | *bofo | *boɸo | ||
| wing | *taɸ | *tah | *taf | *taɸu | |
| tail | *k[e]nd[e]ɸ | *k[e]nd[e]h |
Fricative /*s/ is retained as such in all four subfamilies and occurs in all positions:
| Fly River | Marind-Yaqay | Lake Murray | Lower Fly | Inland Gulf | |
| *s | *s | *s | *s | *s | |
| arm/hand | *s[e/a]ŋga | *s[e/a]ŋga | *saga | *saɣ̃a | |
| fish/meat | *s[e/o]wa[i] | *sewa | *s[o]wai | ||
| tongue | *sas | *sas | *sasa | ||
| tail/feather(s) | *sum | *sum | *sum | ||
| ?nest/bird | *ewesa | *ewesa | *ewesa | ||
| sneeze | *asi | *asi | *asi[s] | ||
| two | *meas[i] | *m[i]si[ka] ”3“ | *mis | *measi | |
| pig | *mbasik | *basik | *basik | ||
| saliva | *kase | *kase | *kase | ||
| go down | *awis | *awis | *wis |
A small number of examples suggest that there may have been an apical non-stop /*r/ which was lost everywhere except for Lower Fly:
| Fly River | Marind-Yaqay | Lake Murray | Lower Fly | Inland Gulf | |
| *r | *ø | *ø | *r | *ø | |
| stand | *ratin | *atin | *ten | *ratin | |
| meat/flesh | *arin[u] | *arin | *ainu | ||
| mouth/lip | *t[a/o]u[a]r | *t[ou] | *tawar |
Glides /*j *w/ are retained as such in all subfamilies:
| Fly River | Marind-Yaqay | Lake Murray | Lower Fly | Inland Gulf | |
| *j | *j | *j | *j | *j | |
| palm | *j[e/a]nd[a] | *jandV | *jenda | ||
| fish | *j[a/o]ŋga | *j[a]ŋg[V] | *joŋga | ||
| older brother | *ja | *[i]j | *(e-)ja[e] | *[j]ei (?) | *iji (?) |
| one | *ija (?) | *ija[kod] | *… | ||
| *w | *w | *w | *w | *w | |
| parents | *wi | *(i-)wi | |||
| father | *w[e] | *(e-)w[ai] | *(e-)we | *(e-)we | *(e-)we |
| mother | *wu | *(e-)wu | *(e-)wu | *(i-)wu | *(i-)wu |
| weep | *iw | *iw | *iwo | ||
| ?nest/bird | *ewesa | *ewesa | *ewesa | ||
| go down | *awis | *awis | *wis | ||
| laugh | *awend | *awed | *awed | ||
| come | *aw | *aw | *aw |
Inland Gulf appends a vowel to word-final consonants as follows:
| Fly River | Marind-Yaqay | Lake Murray | Lower Fly | Inland Gulf | |
| *-iC | *iC | *iC | *iCi/*iCo | ||
| root | *itit | *itit | *titi | ||
| weep | *iw | *iw | *iwo | ||
| mosquito | *n[a/o]ŋgit | *naŋgit | *naŋgait | *n[a/o]ɣ̃iti | |
| *-eC | *eC | *eC | *eC | *eCe/*-eCo | |
| singular | *-[ae]m | *-[ae]m | *-eme | ||
| man | *anem | *anem | *anem | *anem | *aneme |
| banana | *napet | *napet | *napet | *napet | *napeto |
| *-aC | *aC | *aCa | |||
| tongue | *sas | *sas | *sasa | ||
| *-aC | *aC | *aC | *aCo | ||
| star | *opap | *opap | *op[o]po | ||
| night | *ŋgap | *ɣap | *ɣ̃apo | ||
| *-aC | *aC | *aC | *aCu | ||
| wing | *taɸ | *tah | *taf | *taɸu | |
| *-oC | *oC | *oCo | |||
| mouth/tooth | *maŋgot | *maŋg[e/a]t | *maŋgat | *magot | *maɣ̃oto |
| *-uC | *uC | *uC | *uC | *uCu | |
| woman | *anum | *anum | *anum | *anum | *anumu |
| lip | *[u]tup | *utup | *[i/u]tupu | ||
| nape | *temuk | *temuk | *tumuku | ||
| navel | *ndekum | *dekum | *dukum | *duɣum | *dukumu |
Among the most conspicuous features of Fly River languages is the distinction of nominal gender by a system of vocal ablaut in final syllables. These reflect a development of Trans-New Guinea's postposed gender articles unique to the Fy River subgroup:
| Fly River | Marind-Yaqay | Lake Murray | Lower Fly | Inland Gulf | |
| *e/*u/*i | *e/*u/*i | *e/*u/*i | *e/*u/*i | *e/*u/*i | |
| man | *anem | *anem | *anem | *anem | *aneme |
| woman | *anum | *anum | *anum | *anum | *anumu |
| people | *anim | *anim | *anim | *anim | *animi |
| father | *w[e] | *(e-)w[ai] | *(e-)we | *(e-)we | *(e-)we |
| mother | *wu | *(e-)wu | *(e-)wu | *(i-)wu | *(i-)wu |
| parents | *wi | *(i-)wi |
There is in addition to these three a neuter gender which is expressed in Marind and Yaqay as /a/ or /o/. Drabbe (1954, 1955) details gender variation, including adjectival agreement, in Yaqay and East Marind (Gawir.)
Fly River nominative pronouns are reconstructed as follows:
| Fly River | Marind-Yaqay | Lake Murray | Lower Fly | Inland Gulf | |
| 1 sg. | *no | *nok | *no(k) | *naoɣ | *no |
| 2 sg. | *ŋgo | *oɣ | *ɣo(k) | *ɣaoɣ | *ɣ̃o |
| 3 sg. m. | *e- | *anep | *egia | *igi | *ete |
| 3 sg. f. | *u- | *anup | *u- | ? | *etu |
| 1 pl. | *ni | ? | *ni(k) | *naoj | *ni |
| 2 pl. | *[i/e]o | *eoɣ | *jo(k) | *jaoɣ | *jo |
| 3 pl. | *i- | *anip | *i- | *jiɣ | *eti |
Outcomparison to Digul River-Ok shows the bases /*e *u *i/ to be the original to the third person masculine singular, feminine singular and plural respectively. The feminine base is found in Zimakani, where femine [uaʁa], plural [iaʁa] are found alongside masculine [egiæ ≈ ɛziɛ] (Voorhoeve 1970: 9, 12, 13;) however, it's not clear that these are historically distinct from inalienable possessives. The Inland Gulf third persons may have originally been demonstratives; cf. Abom [e(:)te] given both as 3 sg. and “that.” Boazi (Drabbe 1954: 119) has distinct possessive forms in the third person, masculine /te/, feminine /tu/, plural /ti/, which conceivably reflect the same root.
Descriptions of bound pronouns are only available for Boazi, Yaqay, Upper Mbian and East Marind (Gawir) (Drabbe 1954, 1955: 28-31, Boelaars 1950,) so the remainder of our discussion is based primarily upon the western families, although some Ipiko forms may be deduced from the vocabulary given in Pettersen (2007: 17-32.)
Inalienable possessors are found on kinship terms. Like the objects (below,) with which thy can be assumed to be historically identical, the first person singular and the second person possessors share the vowel /*a/, rather than /*o/ which characterizes the free nominatives. All paradigms thusfar documented are defective in lacking a distinct first person plural form. The Boazi and Yaqay paradigms have conflated the third persons to /*e/, while Gawir has replaced the second plural with singular /h-/ (< /*ɣ/):
| Fly River | Yaqay | Gawir | Boazi | Ipiko | |
| 1 sg. poss. | *na- | na- | n- | n- | na- |
| 2 sg. poss. | *ŋga- | qa- | h- | ɣa | va- [< *ɣ̃a-] |
| 3 sg. m. poss. | *e- | e- | e- | e- | e- ≈ i- |
| 3 sg. f. poss. | *u- | e- | u- | u- | e- ≈ i- |
| 1 pl. poss. | *na- | na- | n- | n- | ? |
| 2 pl. poss. | *[i/e]a- | e'a- | h- | za- | ? |
| 3 pl. poss. | *i- | e- | i-/e- | e- | ? |
Prefixed objects occur with some basic verbs (e.g. “give”, “see”) these immediately precede the verb root and follow subject prefixes (below,) showing subject prefixation to be more recent in origin. The reflexes of the second person singular show them to have been in word-initial position prior to the development of /*ɣ/ from initial /*ŋg/ (above.). There does not appear to be any gender distinction in the third person singular:
| Fly River | Yaqay | Gawir | Upper Mbian | Boazi | Ipiko | |
| 1 sg. obj. | *na- | -na- | -n- | -na- | -na- | na- |
| 2 sg. obj. | *ŋga- | -aqa- | -h-/-a- | -ɣ-/-a- | -ɣa- | ? |
| 3 sg. m. obj. | *? | -o- | -o- | -o- | -o- | a- |
| 3 sg. f. obj. | *? | -o- | -o- ≈ -u- | -o- | -o- | ? |
| 1 pl. obj. | *ni- | -e-ne- | -e-n- | -e-n-/-na-e | -na- | ni- |
| 2 pl. obj. | *[i/e]a- | -e-e- | -z-/-e- | -e-ɣ-/-a-e- | -za- | ra- ≈ ha- [< *ja-] |
| 3 pl. obj. | *? | -e- | -z- ≈ -i- ≈ -e- | -e- | -za- | ? |
Fly River verbal subjects were originally identical to the unaugmented forms of the free pronouns. As they are preposed rather than prefixed in Gawir, and as the reflexes of the second person singular object show objects to have been word initial, the prefixation of subjects is secondary. The origins of Yaqay's first persons and second person plural form are unknown, as are those of Upper Mbian generally:
| Fly River | Yaqay | Gawir | Upper Mbian | Boazi | |
| 1 sg. sbj. | *no | oko- | no/nak- | ab- | no- |
| 2 sg. sbj. | *ŋgo | aqa- | o | ebo- | ɣo- |
| 3 sg. m. sbj. | *e | e- | a/e | eb- | ge- |
| 3 sg. f. sbj. | *u | u- | a/e | eb- | gu- |
| 1 pl. sbj. | *ni | iki- | nak-e | ab-e- | ni- |
| 2 pl. sbj. | *[i/e]o | epe- | e | ebo-e- | zu- |
| 3 pl. sbj. | *i | i-(n)- | e-n/n | eb-e-(n)- | gi- |
Morehead River's velar nasal /*ŋ/ …initial prenasal segments [nd ŋ g] which didn't otherwise occur. The medial correspondence in “dog” is also unexpected and irregular, reflecting three distinct correspondences, /*t/, /*s/, /*ɣ/:
| Morehead River | Marind-Yaqay | Lake Murray | Lower Fly | Inland Gulf | |
| star | *ndVku | M. *ndaku | *ndiku | ||
| dog | *ŋaθ[e]o | Y. qake [pd] M. *ŋgat | *[ŋ]gaɣo | *gas[a] | *gaso |
The term for “dog” has spread as far as Lake Kutubu and Kikori River. The Bosavi and Soari River forms agree with those of Lower Fly and Inland Gulf in showing medial /*s/. The Yaqay word would seem to reflect Marind-Yaqay /*ɣake/. The sum of evidence suggests at least three distinct borrowing events of the same root at a time probably following the breakup of Fly River, but possibly before the breakup of Lower Fly-Inland Gulf; only the easternmost of these proved broadly influential.
The following are presumed to be loans from Fly River or more likely one of its Eastern subgroups into Kiwai. Proto-Kiwai forms are drawn from or in consultation with Shafer (1965.) Like Inland Gulf, Kiwai adds a final vowel to consonant-final roots:
| Fly River | Kiwai | |
| coconut | *[oa]ŋgat | *goata |
| mouth | *maŋgot | *magota |
| mosquito | *naŋgit | *nakati |
| sago | *ndou | *dou |