Abinomn
Timothy Usher, Santa Fe Institute, developed with Mark Donohue
Situation
Abinomn is spoken in a single village located north of the Taritatu (Idenburg) River, the main tributary of the Mamberamo, in Indonesia's Papua province. It is not closely related to any other languages and its nearest relatives are unknown (Pawley, Ross and Osmond 2005: 70 after Donohue p.c.)
Sources
Clouse (n.d.) survey vocabulary of Avinomn (Baso) provided in comparative spreadsheet format by Paul Whitehouse via the Summer Institute of Linguistics
Pawley, Ross and Osmond (2005: 69-70) Abinomn pronouns after Donohue (p.c.)
Donohue and Musgrave (2007: 365) Abinomn nominal number
Phonology
Donohue (p.c.) gives 14 or 15 consonants and 5 vowels for Abinomn as follows:
m | n | |||
t | k | kʷ | ||
b | d | dʒ | gʷ | |
ɸ | s | [h] | ||
w | r | j |
i | u | |
e | [ə] | o |
a |
According to Donohue, bilabial voiceless stop [p] is a conditioned allophone of fricative /ɸ/.
There is no phonemic velar voiced stop /g/, but voiceless /k/ is typically realized as [g] when following high front vowel /i/ (below.)
Unoccluded fricative /h/ has been found in only one word, /heinar/ “spiny anteater (landak).”
Donohue does not recognize central mid vowel [ə] as phonemic. Most instances of [ə] are followed by a resonant /m n/ and especially /r/; it is conceivable that these should be analyzed as syllabic resonants. We write <ə> here for easier reading without prejudice to its phonemic status.
Only a restricted subset of consonants is known to occur finally:
m | n | ||
p | t | k | |
s | |||
r |
Pronouns
Pawley, Ross and Osmond (2005: 69 after Donohue p.c.) give Abinomn free pronouns in two case forms as follows:
nominative | possessive | |
1 sg. | mit | akwa |
2 sg. | ni | ninenka |
3 sg. m. | in | in-enka |
3 sg. f. | nən | nən-enka |
1 pl. | awp | awp-enka |
2 pl. | pi | pinenka |
3 pl. | kən | kən-enka |
1 dl. | mor | mor-enka |
2 dl. | por | por-enka |
3 dl. | nar | nar-enka |
([ə] schwa is not shown in Donohue's transcriptions)
Prefixed pronouns are found preceding verbs in three case forms as follows:
subject | undergoer | actor | |
1 sg. | mi- | ma- | — |
2 sg. | ni- | niw- | -[n]ew- |
3 sg. m. | i- | in- | -in- |
3 sg. f. | n- | in- | -in- |
1 pl. | aw- | ap- | — |
2 pl. | pi- | piw- | -piw- |
3 pl.. | k- | kəw- | -kəw- |
1 dl. | mor- | mo- | — |
2 dl. | por- | po- | -po- |
3 dl. | nar- | -naw- | -naw- |
This tripartite distinction is somewhat unusual, with the subject being used on intransitive verbs and preceding the undergoer on transitive verbs when the subject ranks higher on the animacy hierarchy than does the undergoer. Where the actor of a transitive verb ranks lower, it follows the undergoer and is used instead of the subject.
Nominal morphology
Abinomn has an unusual system of marking nominal number which superficially appears to be typologically similar to those found in the Torricelli Range and Lower Sepik River families. The singular form is always unmarked, while the dual is always indicated by a suffix /-rom/, the variant [-dom] appearing after root-final /r/. The suppletive form of the plural is generally determined by the final consonant of the root, excepting final bilabial nasal /m/ which occurs with either of two classes. The realizations of these plural suffixes are influenced by the preceding vowel, with high front /i/ somewhat unexpectedly inducing voicing of the stops in plurals /-kon -ti/ to [-gon -di]. At least four underlying paradigms may be distinguished with variants conditioned as follows:
class | root final | plural | dual |
I | V | -kon | -rom |
I | i | -gon | -rom |
I | s | -kon | -rom |
I | k | -i-gon | -rom |
I | r | -kon | -dom |
II | n | -ti | -rom |
II | n/i_ | -di | -rom |
III | m | -kər | -rom |
IV | m | -tom | -rom |
IV | m/sia_ | -som | -rom |
Donohue and Musgrave (2007: 365) give number suffixes for twenty-two Abinomn nominals. To these we add selected attestations from Clouse (n.d. via Whitehouse,) with forms not directly attested given in brackets, and organize their sum by paradigm as follows. Donohue and Musgrave's <f> represents bilabial /ɸ/ [ɸ] (Donohue p.c., q.v. Clouse n.d.) Clouse's distinction between high vs. low mid vowels [e ɛ o ɔ] is not distinguished here as height doesn't appear to be contrastive (Donohue p.c.;) similarly word-final glottal stop [ʔ] has been ignored. Minor inconsistencies in attestations have been corrected where possible.
Both Clouse and Donohue attest some words with apparently root-final stops /p t/, but it's not known what plural suffixes these should take.
Nominal roots with a final vowel other than high front /i/ take the most common plural form /-kon/, which defines the first class:
singular | plural | dual | ||
V | -kon | -rom | ||
bandicoot | aine | aine-kon | aine-rom | Donohue |
eagle | ɸəra | ɸəra-kon | ɸəra-rom | Clouse |
arrow | ne | ne-kon | ne-rom | Clouse |
leaf | nate | nate-kon | nate-rom | Clouse |
praying mantis | tigʷərere | tigʷərere-kon | tigʷərere-rom | Donohue |
paddle | teiga | teiga-kon | teiga-rom | Clouse |
axe | digka | digka-kon | digka-rom | Clouse |
roof | se | se-kon | se-rom | Clouse |
cloud | se | [se-kon] | se-rom | Clouse |
blood | seide | seide-kon | [seide-rom] | Clouse |
bird | səre | səre-kon | səre-rom | Clouse |
tree kangaroo | we | we-kon | we-rom | Donohue |
breast | ame | [ame-kon] | ame-rom | Clouse |
If the final vowel is high front /i/, plural /-kon/ is often but not invariably realized as [-gon]:
singular | plural | dual | ||
i | -gon | -rom | ||
younger brother | ai | a-kon | ai-rom | Donohue |
swamp | okʷi | okʷi-gon | okʷi-rom | Donohue |
friend | moigori | moigori-gon | [moigori-rom] | Clouse |
night | siwi | siw-kon | siwi-rom | Donohue |
father's father | woi [dc] | woi-gon [md] | woi-rom [dc] | — |
Roots with final /s/ observe the same pattern as those with root-final unmarked vowels:
singular | plural | dual | ||
s | -kon | -rom | ||
skin | [is] | is-kon | is-rom | Clouse |
Roots with final velar unvoiced stop /k/ take an epenthetic vowel /i/ in the plural, which is realized as [-gon] just as on roots with final /i/ (above):
singular | plural | dual | ||
k | -i-gon | -rom | ||
urine | isəruk | isəruki-gon | [isəruk-rom] | Clouse |
pot | dʒek | dʒeki-gon | dʒek-rom | Donohue |
jungle | gʷek | gʷeki-gon | gʷek-rom | Donohue |
Roots with final apical non-stop /r/ observe the same pattern as those with root-final unmarked vowels, except that the dual is realized as [-dom]:
singular | plural | dual | ||
r | -kon | -dom | ||
tooth | [ir] | ir-kon | i-dom | Clouse |
nose | [amir] | amir-kon | ami-dom | Clouse |
arm | akʷir | [akʷi®-kon] | akʷi-dom | Clouse |
flesh | [mir] | mir-kon | mir-dom | Clouse |
fingernail | [matowir] | matowir-kon | matoi-dom | Clouse |
leech | piar | piar-kon | piar-dom | Clouse |
house | pər | pər-kon | pər-dom | Donohue |
leg | teɸir | teɸi-kon | teɸi-dom | Clouse |
river | ter | [ter-kon] | ter-dom | Clouse |
stomach | [ser] | ser-kon | se-tom [sic] | Clouse |
sun | sər | sər-kon | sər-dom | Clouse |
bark (of tree) | [wir] | wir-kon | wi-dom | Clouse |
tree | wər | wəri-kon [sic] | wər-dom | Clouse |
stone | wor | [wor-kon] | wor-dom | Clouse |
The second class is found on nominal roots with final apical nasal /n/. Here the plural is designated by /-ti/:
singular | plural | dual | ||
n | -ti | -rom | ||
moon | mən | mə-ti | mə-rom | Clouse |
river tortoise | ɸan | ɸa-ti | ɸa-rom | Donohue |
knee | səmon | səmo-ti | səmo-rom | Clouse |
liver | sən | sə-ti | sə-rom | Clouse |
louse | dʒen | dʒe-ti | dʒend-rom | Donohue |
owl | weimən | weim-ti | weim-rom | Donohue |
path | jewon | [jewo-ti] | jewo-rom | Clouse |
Where the vowel preceding final /n/ is high front /i/, the plural is realized as [-di]:
singular | plural | dual | ||
n/i_ | -di | -rom | ||
seed | in | i-di | i-rom | Clouse |
fish | outin | outi-di | out-rom | Clouse |
ant | manwin | manwi-di | manwin-rom | Clouse |
frog | peren | perei-di | perei-dom (?) | Clouse |
sand | bin | [bi-di] | bi-rom | Clouse |
prawn | beresəmin | beresəmi-di | beresəmind- -rom | Donohue |
thorn | toin | toi-di | toin-rom | Clouse |
star | səkin | səki-di | səki-rom | Donohue |
cassowary | komosin | komosi-di | komosi-rom | Donohue |
The third class is, like the fourth (below), found on nominal roots with final bilabial nasal /m/. Here the plural is designated by /-kər/:
singular | plural | dual | ||
m | -kər | -rom | ||
root | isəm | isə-kər | isəb-rom | Clouse |
ashes | [b[e/ə]səm] | bəsə-kər | bes-rom (?) | Clouse |
centipede | səm | sə-kər | səb-rom | Donohue |
mouth | sətopum | sətopum-kər | [sətopub-rom] | Clouse |
ear | dəm | də-kər | dəbə-dom [sic] | Clouse |
canoe | kom | ko-kər | kob-rom | Clouse |
headband | kʷetam | kʷeta-kər | kʷetab-rom | Donohue |
Other nominals with final /m/ fall into a fourth class in which the plural is designated by /-tom/. Clouse (n.d.) gives no clear examples of this class:
singular | plural | dual | ||
m | -tom | -rom | ||
sago pudding | midam | mida-tom | midab-rom | Donohue |
knife handle | tam | ta-tom | tab-rom | Donohue |
In two examples in which final /m/ is preceded by the segment /sia/, the plural is realized as [-som]:
singular | plural | dual | ||
m/sia_ | -som | -rom | ||
bamboo knife | abisiam | abisia-som | abisiab-rom | Donohue |
toe | gʷesiam | gʷesa-som | gʷesiab-rom | Donohue |
Verbal morphology
Nothing is known about Abinomn verbal morphology.