Lake Murray

Timothy Usher, Santa Fe Institute

Situation

The Lake Murray family, also known as the Boazi family, is comprised of two languages, Kuni-Boazi and Zimakani, spoken around Lake Murray and south and west to the middle Fly River in Papua New Guinea's Western Province.

Sources

Murray (1916-1917: 49) 57 terms for Lake Murray (Zimakani)

Austen (1921-1922: 163) 69 comparative terms for Village Y (Koumak)

Austen (1921-1922: 163) 47 comparative terms for Lake Murray, Village Z (Zimakani,) Village Y and Village X (Kuni-Boazi,) with Lake Murray terms drawn from Murray (1916-1917: 49)

Rentoul (1924-1925: 76) 106 comparative terms for Koumak

Boelaars (1950: 55-59) English language recension of Drabbe's unpublished grammar of Boazi

Drabbe (1954: 118-127) grammar and (pp. 128-142) 418 comparative terms for Boazi

Voorhoeve (1970: 7-14) 242 comparative terms for Begua and Zimakani dialects of Zimakani, and South Boazi and Kuini dialects of Kuni-Boazi

Fumey (2005) Kuni absolutives (unobtained)

Fumey (2006) sketch phonology of Kuni

Fumey (2007) grammar of Kuni

Historical phonology

Proto-Lake Murray had 14 to 16 consonants and at least 5 vowels as follows:

*m *n
*p *t *k
[*b] [*d] *g
*mb *nd *ŋg
*f *s
*w *j
*i *u
*e *o
*a

There is no apical non-stop except for the lateral reflex [l] of initial voiced stop /*d/ (below.)

Excepting velar /*g *ŋg/, which occur in all positions, voiced stops and prenasalized stops are in complimentary distribution, with anterior voiced stops /*b *d/ being found only initially and prenasalized /*mb *nd/ only medially, excepting several marginal examples of initial and final apical /*nd/ (below.) Medial /*mb/ has only been found in one root. These are distinguished here due to parallelism with the velars, which are unambiguously contrastive. This assymetrical system may be visualized as follows:

initial medial final
*b
*d
*g *g *g
[*mb]
[*nd] *nd [*nd]
*ŋg *ŋg *ŋg

Final consonants are very common. Consonant clusters do not occur.

Any vowel can occur initially, medially or finally, but the cooccurance of different vowels is restricted by vowel height harmony such that a high vowel /*i *u/ and a mid vowel /*e *o/ cannot appear in the same root. The only known exceptions to this rule are vowel sequences /*oi *ou/. Low central vowel /*a/ is harmonically neutral, and can cooccur with any other vowel.

Initial consonants correspond as follows:

Lake Murray Zimakani Kuni-Boazi
*m- m m
*n- n n
*p- p p
*t- t t
*k- k k
*b b b
*d- d d
*g- g g
*ŋg- ŋg ŋg
*f- f f
*s- s s
*w- v v
*j- z z
*ɣ- ɣ ɣ

Medial consonants correspond as follows:

Lake Murray Zimakani Kuni-Boazi
*-m- m m
*-n- n n
*-p- p p
*-t- t t
*-k- k k
*-g- g g
*-mb- mb mb
*-nd- nd nd
*-ŋg- ŋg ŋg
*-f- f f
*-s- s s
*-w- v v
*-j- z z
*-ɣ- ɣ ɣ

Final consonants correspond as follows:

Lake Murray Zimakani Kuni-Boazi
*-m mV m
*-n nV n
*-p ? p
*-t tV t
*-k kV k
*-g ? g
*-ŋg ŋgV ŋg
*-f fV f
*-s ø s
*-w ? v
*-j zV z
*-ɣ ɣV ɣ

Vowels and vowel sequences correspond as follows:

Lake Murray Zimakani Kuni-Boazi
*i i i
*u u u
*e e e
*o o o
*a a a
*V₁CV₁ V₁CV₁ V₁CV₁
*iCu iCu iCu
*uCi ? uCi
*aCV₂ aCV₂ aCV₂
*V₁Ca V₁Ca V₁Ca
*ia ia ia
*ui u ui
*ua ua ua
*ea e ea
*oi oi oi
*ou ou ou
*oa oa oa
*ai ai ai
*au au au
*ae ae ae
*aia aia aia
*aua aua aua

Zimakani appends final vowels to consonant-final roots as follows:

Lake Murray Zimakani Kuni-Boazi
*-iC iCa iC
*-uC uCi uC
*-eC eCe eC
*-oC oCo oC
*-aC aCa aC
*-eaC eCe eaC
*-ouC ouCu ouC
*-aiC aiCa aiC

These correspondences are exemplified as follows, with Zimakani, Begua, South Boazi and Kuini attestations drawn from Voorhoeve (1970: 7-14), Boazi from Drabbe (1954: 118-127, 28-142,) and Kuni from Fumey (2006, 2007, p.c.) Voorhoeve's transcriptions are phonetic; Drabbe's and Fumey's are phonemic.


Bilabial nasal /*m/ is generally retained as such in all descendants except finally, where it is sporadically dropped in Voorhoeve's South Boazi:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South Boazi Kuni Kuini
VoorhoeveVoorhoeve Drabbe Voorhoeve Fumey Voorhoeve
*m- m m m m m m
three *misika misika misika miʃka
earth/ground *maŋgai mɑŋgĕⁱ mɑŋgeⁱ mɑŋgɑⁱ mɑŋɣeⁱ mɑŋgɑⁱ
speech *maŋgat mɑŋgata maŋɢat mɑŋɢa mɑŋɣɑt mɑŋgɑt
fear *mV mɔⁱ maⁱ mʌᵉ
fruit/inside *moko mɔqɔ mɔqɔ moqo moqo mɔqɔ
nape *moŋgo mɔŋgo moŋɣo
heart *mukik mukik
*-m- m m m m m m
sugarcane *fimak fimɛqa fimɑqa fi'maq pfimæk fimɑq fimɑq
*-m mV mV m m [m ø] m m
singular m. *-eam -ɛme -ɛme -ea -eɑm ≈ -ɑm-ɛm≈-eɑm≈-ɑm
singular f. *-eum (?) -ɛmɔ -ɛmɔ ≈-ɛmu -m -ɛm ≈ -m
y. brother (1sg.)*am am
people *anim anim -anim -ɑnim
man *anem -anem -ɑnem
woman *anum -anum
tongue *naseam nasɛme nɛsɛme nasæa:me nɑsɑm
navel *dukum lukumi du'kum duku lukum dukum
tail feather *sum sum
tooth *kam kama kʰama
skin/bark *ŋgusum ŋgusumi ŋgusumi ŋgusum ŋgusum≈ŋgusuŋgusum ŋgusəm
belly *ɣandam ɣa'ndamʁɑndɑm

Apical nasal /*n/ is retained as such in all descendants:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
VoorhoeveVoorhoeveDrabbe Voorhoeve Fumey Voorhoeve
*n- n n n n n n
1 pl. *ni[k] niki niki ni ni ni
water *neia neⁱa neⁱa na'ja
banana *napet napĕtĕ napĕtĕ napet napĕt nepet ≈ nʌpetnĕpĕt
tongue *naseam nasɛme nɛsɛme nasæa:me nɑsɑm
excrement *nagi nagi nagi nagi nagi
mosquito *naŋgat(i) nɑŋgɑⁱti nɑŋgɑⁱti na'ŋɢatnɑŋgɑt nɑŋɣɑt nɑŋɑt
leech *naŋgo(i) nɑŋgɔⁱ
throat *naɣ nɑɣ naɣ
1 sg. *no[k] nɔqɔ nɔqɔ no no no no
*-n- n n n n n n
fat/grease*enaɣ ĕnaɣa ĕnaɣa e'naɣ ĕnaɣ ĕnɑq
people *anim anim -anim -ɑnim
man *anem -anem -ɑnem
woman *anum -anum
body hair *anu anu anu a'nu
husband *aŋgana ɑŋgana ɑŋgana aŋɢa'naɑŋgan- ɑŋgɑnɑ ɑŋgana
rattan *baniŋg bɑniŋga bʌniŋg bɑniŋg
sleep *tena tena tĕna
vein *k[i]nik kiniq
urine *kono qɔnɔ
*-n nV nV n ? n ?
stand *ten tɛni tɛne tɛn
canoe *jawun za'vun zɑvun

Bilabial voiceless stop /*p/ is retained as such in all descendants. The only known example of final /*p/ may be a loan from Marind:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
VoorhoeveVoorhoeveDrabbe Voorhoeve Fumey Voorhoeve
*p- p p p p p p
arm *piŋgi pi'ŋgi piŋgi piŋgi pɪŋgɪ
white *paɣa paʁa-nu paʁa-nu papa'ɣapapaʁa papaʁa
black *pois pɔⁱ-nu pɔⁱ-nu pojs
old woman*puka puka puka po'ka puka puka
*-p- p p p p p p
banana *napet napĕtĕ napĕtĕ napet napĕt nepet ≈ nʌpetnĕpĕt
one *koapo kᵓapɔ-ma kᵓapɔ-ma kʷopu kɔapɔ kopo kɔpɔ
*-p p p
rattan *tup tup tup

Apical voiceless stop /*t/ is retained as such in all descendants:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
VoorhoeveVoorhoeveDrabbe Voorhoeve Fumey Voorhoeve
*t- t t t t t t
stand *ten tɛni tɛne tɛn
sleep *tena tena tĕna
fire/tree *tae tae tae 'tae ≈ te tɑᵉ tae ≈ tɑi
wing *taf taf tɑf tɑf tɑf
branch *taŋg(i) tɛtɛŋgi tatæŋg tɑŋg tɑŋga
give *taua tawa tawa e-to'wa-me-tawa-m e-toɑ-m e-tɔɑ-m
breast *toto tĕtĕ tĕtĕ toto tŏtŏ tĕtĕ
rattan *tup tup tup
*-t- t t t t t t
chin/jaw *ete ete ete
netbag *ataɣa ataʁa ɑtɑʁĕ
fence/wall*uta uta uta uta utɑ uta
breast *toto tĕtĕ tĕtĕ toto tŏtŏ tĕtĕ
back/spine*jita zita zita zita tsita
*-t tV tV t t t t
coconut *uaŋgat ᵘɑŋgata wɑŋɣɑt ᵘɑŋgɑt
speech *maŋgat mɑŋgata maŋɢat mɑŋɢa mɑŋɣɑt mɑŋgɑt
banana *napet napĕtĕ napĕtĕ napet napĕt nepet ≈ nʌpetnĕpĕt
mosquito *naŋgat(i) nɑŋgɑⁱti nɑŋgɑⁱti na'ŋɢat nɑŋgɑt nɑŋɣɑt nɑŋɑt

Velar voiceless stop /*k/ is retained as such in all descendants. It is typically realized as uvular [q] when followed by low contral or mid back vowels /*a *o/ or finally following /*a *o/:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
Voorhoeve Voorhoeve Drabbe Voorhoeve Fumey Voorhoeve
*k- k [k q kx]k [k q] k [k q]k [k q]k [k q]k [k q]
vein *k[i]nik kiniq
flesh/body *ka -ka -qa -ka -qa
sun/sky *kaia kɑⁱa ≈ qɑia kɑⁱa ≈ qɑia qɑⁱa
smoke/fog *kaifa qĕⁱfa ≈ kxĕⁱfaqɑⁱfa qaj'fa qɑⁱfa qʌⁱfɑ qɑⁱfa
taro *k[a]okia qɔkia qɔkia qaw'qja qɔkia qokiɑ qɔkea
cassowary *kaus kɑu qɑu qows qɔᵘs qoᵘs qɔᵘs
tooth *kam kama kʰama
elbow *kafoi kɑfɔⁱ-kɑfɔⁱ qɑfɔⁱ-qɑfɔⁱ kɑfi-kɑfi
raw/alive *kandi qa'ndi qɑndi
saliva/spittle*kase kasi kasĕ kʌsĕ
paddle *kaw[i] ka'vi
feather *kawui qavu kavu qɑvɑⁱ qɑvuⁱ
one *koapo kᵓapɔ-ma kᵓapɔ-ma kʷopu kɔapɔ kopo kɔpɔ
blood *kouk qoᵘku qoᵘku 'kouk koᵘk koᵘk
urine *kono qɔnɔ
*-k- k [k q] k [k q] k [k q]k [k q]k [k q]k [k q]
leaf *esako ĕsɔqɔ ĕsɔqɔ eso'qo ĕsɑqɔ ĕsɔqɔ
three *misika misika misika miʃka
fruit/inside *moko mɔqɔ mɔqɔ moqo moqo mɔqɔ
heart *mukik mukik
old woman *puka puka puka po'ka puka puka
navel *dukum lukumi du'kum duku lukum dukum
star *ndiku dikɯ duku duku ndɯku
taro *k[a]okia qɔkia qɔkia qaw'qja qɔkia qokiɑ qɔkea
*-k kV [k q] kV [k q]k [k q]k [k q]k [k q]k [k q]
heart *mukik mukik
sugarcane *fimak fimɛqa fimɑqa fi'maq pfimæk fimɑq fimɑq
accompany *fik fik
pig *basik ba'sik bɑsik bʌsik bɑsik
forest *do[s/j]ok lɔsɔqɔ lɔsɔqɔ do'zoq
vein *k[i]nik kiniq
blood *kouk qoᵘku qoᵘku 'kouk koᵘk koᵘk

One puzzling correspondence found only in free pronouns is represented here by <[*k]>. It might be thought to be a suffix in Zimakani, but no suffix of this form is attested in Drabbe's Boazi or Fumey's Kuni. A similar discrepancy is found in the finals of Lower Fly River free pronouns, where it is likewise tentatively considered to be phonological rather than morphological in origin:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
VoorhoeveVoorhoeveDrabbeVoorhoeve FumeyVoorhoeve
*-[k] kV kV ø ø øø
1 pl.*ni[k] niki niki ni ni ni
1 sg.*no[k] nɔqɔ nɔqɔ no no no no
2 pl.*jo[k] zɔqɔ zɔqɔ zu zo zo zo
2 sg.*ɣo[k] ʁɔqɔ ʁɔqɔ ɣo ɣo ɣo ɣo

Bilabial voiced stop /*b/ is found only initially. It is retained as such in all descendants:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
VoorhoeveVoorhoeveDrabbeVoorhoeve Fumey Voorhoeve
*b- b b b b b b
rattan *baniŋg bɑniŋga bʌniŋgbɑniŋg
pig *basik ba'sikbɑsik bʌsik bɑsik
bone/shin*bajag ba'zagbazæg bazɑg ≈ bazɑq
thigh *bofo bɔfɔ bɔfɔ

Apical voiced stop /*d/ is found only intially. It is predominantly realized as a lateral non-stop [l] in modern Kuni (Fumey 2006: 6) and in Zimakani:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
VoorhoeveVoorhoeveDrabbe Voorhoeve Fumey Voorhoeve
*d- d [l]d [l]d [d l]d d [l d ɾ]d [d l]
man/male*daua laᵘ laᵘ lawa daᵘa lɑᵒ laᵘa
sago *dou lɔᵘ lɔᵘ dow doᵘ loᵘ doᵘ
forest *do[s/j]ok lɔsɔqɔ lɔsɔqɔ do'zok
navel *dukum lukumi du'kum duku lukum dukum

Velar voiced stop /*g/ is retained as such in all descendants:

Lake Murray Zimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
VoorhoeveVoorhoeveDrabbeVoorhoeve FumeyVoorhoeve
*g- g g g g gg
dog *gaɣo ŋgaɣɔ (?)gaɣɔ ga'ɣo gaɣ gɑɣo
lime gourd*g[o/u]f[e/a]gɔfɛ gufæ gufa
*-g- g g g g gg
excrement *nagi nagi nagi nagi nagi
evening *kag[i/u]s kagi kagi kagus qɑgus
*-g ? ? g g ?g [g q]
bone/shin *bajag ba'zagbazæg bazɑg ≈ bazɑq

Bilabial prenasalized stop /*mb/ has been found only medially in one root:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
VoorhoeveVoorhoeveDrabbeVoorhoeve Fumey Voorhoeve
*-mb- mb mb ? ? mb ?
bee/fly*ŋgambo ŋgambo ŋgambo ŋɣɑmb(o-)

Apical prenasalized stop /*nd/ is primarily found medially, where it is retained as such in all descendants:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
VoorhoeveVoorhoeveDrabbe Voorhoeve Fumey Voorhoeve
*-nd- nd nd nd nd ndnd
raw/alive*kandi qa'ndi qɑndi
belly *ɣandam ɣa'ndamʁɑndɑm
hand/foot*jenda zɛnda zɛnda zinda zɛnda zendɑ zɛnda

Initial and final /*nd/ exist, but are marginal, the first being a loan from Arammba which is also found in Kumbe River Marind (q.v. Drabbe 1955: 150-151,) the second an apparent reduplication which does not add a final vowel in Zimakani as do other nominals (below.) These are distinguished from initial voiced stop /*d/ not only by prenasalization but also the failure to lenit to lateral non-stop [l] (above):

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
Voorhoeve Voorhoeve DrabbeVoorhoeve FumeyVoorhoeve
*nd- nd [nd d]nd [d]ndnd [d] ?nd
star *ndiku dikɯ duku duku ndɯku
thunder*ndand nda:nd ndand
*-nd nd ? nd? ??
thunder*ndand nda:nd ndand

Velar prenasalized stop /*ŋg/ occurs in all positions. When followed by low central and mid back vowels /*a *o/, it is typically realized as uvular [ŋɢ] or fricated to [ŋɣ] in Kuni-Boazi, in parallel with the backing of /*k/ when followed by the same vowels (above):

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South Boazi Kuni Kuini
VoorhoeveVoorhoeveDrabbe Voorhoeve Fumey Voorhoeve
*ŋg- ŋg ŋg ŋg [ŋg ŋɢ]ŋg ŋg [ŋg ŋɣ]ŋg
urine *ŋgaia ŋgɑⁱa ŋɢa'ja ŋgɑⁱa
bee/fly *ŋgambo ŋgambo ŋgambo ŋɣɑmb(o-)
arrow sp. *ŋgasu ŋgasu ŋgasu ŋgɛsu ŋgasu
sick/ill *ŋgosa ŋgɔsa ŋgɔsa ŋɢosa-gi
skin/bark *ŋgusum ŋgusumi ŋgusumi ŋgusum ŋgusum ŋgusum ŋgusəm
*-ŋg- ŋg ŋg ŋg [ŋg ŋɢ]ŋg [ŋg ŋɢ]ŋg [ŋg ŋɣ]ŋg [ŋg ŋ]
husband *aŋgana ɑŋgana ɑŋgana aŋɢa'na ɑŋgan- ɑŋgɑnɑ ɑŋgana
coconut *uaŋgat ᵘɑŋgata wɑŋɣɑt ᵘɑŋgɑt
earth/ground*maŋgai mɑŋgĕⁱ mɑŋgeⁱ mɑŋgɑⁱ mɑŋɣeⁱ mɑŋgɑⁱ
speech *maŋgat mɑŋgata maŋɢat mɑŋɢa mɑŋɣɑt mɑŋgɑt
nape *moŋgo mɔŋgo moŋɣo
arm *piŋgi pi'ŋgi piŋgi piŋgi pɪŋgɪ
mosquito *naŋgat(i) nɑŋgɑⁱti nɑŋgɑⁱti na'ŋɢat nɑŋgɑt nɑŋɣɑt nɑŋɑt
leech *naŋgo(i) nɑŋgɔⁱ
areca nut *siŋgi siŋgi sɪŋgɪ siŋgi siŋgi siŋgi
arrow *saŋgawa tsɑŋgava sɑŋgava saŋɢa'va sɑŋgava sɑŋgava
fish *joŋga dzɔŋga zɔŋga zoŋgʌ zɔŋga
*-ŋg ŋgV ŋgV ŋg ŋg ŋg ŋg
louse *uŋg numuŋgi wuŋg uŋg uŋg
rattan *baniŋg bɑniŋga bʌniŋg bɑniŋg
branch *taŋg(i) tɛtɛŋgi tatæŋg tɑŋg tɑŋga

Bilabial or labiodental fricative /*f/ is retained as such in all descendants. Initially, it is sometimes fortited to affricate [pf]:

Lake Murray Zimakani Begua Boazi South Boazi Kuni Kuini
Voorhoeve Voorhoeve DrabbeVoorhoeve FumeyVoorhoeve
*f- f [f pf] f [f pf]f f [f pf]ff
sugarcane *fimak fimɛqa fimɑqa fi'maqpfimæk fimɑqfimɑq
accompany *fik fik
house *fa fa fa
bow *faif pfɑⁱfa pfɑⁱfa fɛjf pfɑⁱ fʌⁱf fɑⁱf
lung(s) *faf fɑf fɑf
*-f- f f f f ff
thigh *bofo bɔfɔ bɔfɔ
smoke/fog *kaifa qĕⁱfa ≈ kxĕⁱfaqɑⁱfa qaj'faqɑⁱfa qʌⁱfɑqɑⁱfa
elbow *kafoi kɑfɔⁱ-kɑfɔⁱ qɑfɔⁱ-qɑfɔⁱ kɑfi-kɑfi
lime gourd*g[o/u]f[e/a]gɔfɛ gufæ gufa
*-f fV fV f f ff
bow *faif pfɑⁱfa pfɑⁱfa fɛjf pfɑⁱ fʌⁱf fɑⁱf
lung(s) *faf fɑf fɑf
wing *taf taf tɑf tɑf tɑf

Initial and medial fricative /*s/ is retained as such in all descendants. Initially, it is sometimes fortited to affricate [ts]:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
Voorhoeve Voorhoeve Drabbe Voorhoeve Fumey Voorhoeve
*s- s [s ts]s s s s s
areca nut *siŋgi siŋgi sɪŋgɪ siŋgi siŋgi siŋgi
meat *sewa sava- sɛ'vɛ sɛva sava- sɛva-
tongue *sas sɑs sɑs
arrow *saŋgawa tsɑŋgava sɑŋgava saŋɢa'vasɑŋgava sɑŋgava
chest *sawi[m] savi savɪ savi sɑvim savɪm
tail feather *sum sum
*-s- s s s s s s [s ʃ]
leaf *esako ĕsɔqɔ ĕsɔqɔ eso'qo ĕsɑqɔ ĕsɔqɔ
sneeze *asis asis
three *misika misika misika miʃka
pig *basik ba'sik bɑsik bʌsik bɑsik
tongue *naseam nasɛme nɛsɛme nasæa:me nɑsɑm
saliva/spittle*kase kasi kasĕ kʌsĕ
arrow sp. *ŋgasu ŋgasu ŋgasu ŋgɛsu ŋgasu
sick/ill *ŋgosa ŋgɔsa ŋgɔsa ŋɢosa-gi
skin/bark *ŋgusum ŋgusumi ŋgusumi ŋgusum ŋgusum ŋgusumŋgusəm
morning *ɣasu ʁasu-ʁasunu ʁasu-ʁasunuɣa'su ʁasu ɣɑsun

Final /*s/ is retained as such in Kuni-Boazi and appears to have been lost in Zimakani, without the copy vowel which follows other final consonants (below.) However, there is no direct confirmation of the Zimakani correspondences, as the only known examples in which final /*s/ is supported by outcomparison, /*sas/ “tongue” and /*vis/ “go up”, do not have Zimakani attestations in our dataset:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
VoorhoeveVoorhoeveDrabbeVoorhoeve FumeyVoorhoeve
*-s ø ø s s ss
sneeze *asis asis
black *pois pɔⁱ-nu pɔⁱ-nu pojs
tongue *sas sɑs sɑs
cassowary*kaus kɑu qɑu qows qɔᵘs qoᵘs qɔᵘs
evening *kag[i/u]s kagi kagi kagus qɑgus
go down *wis vis vis vis

Bilabial non-stop /*w/ is occluded to labiodental [v] in all descendants:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
VoorhoeveVoorhoeveDrabbe Voorhoeve FumeyVoorhoeve
*w- v ? v v vv
go down *wis vis vis vis
father *we (e-)ve ve e-ve e-ve
mother *wu e-vu -vu vo e-vo e-vᵘ
*-w- v v v v vv
plaited bag*awa ava ava ava ɑvɑ ava
meat *sewa sava- sɛ'vɛ sɛva sava-sɛva-
arrow *saŋgawa tsɑŋgava sɑŋgava saŋɢa'vasɑŋgava sɑŋgava
chest *sawi[m] savi savɪ savi sɑvimsavɪm
paddle *kaw[i] ka'vi
feather *kawui qavu kavu qɑvɑⁱ qɑvuⁱ
bowstring *jaw[e/a] zave zɑvɑ
canoe *jawun za'vun zɑvun
*-w ? ? ? v ?v
come *aw av av

Palatal non-stop /*j/ is occluded to [z dz dʒ] in all descendants, with Rentoul's (1924-1925: 76) Koumak (not shown here) giving [dʒ]:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
Voorhoeve Voorhoeve DrabbeVoorhoeve FumeyVoorhoeve
*j- z [z dz]z z z zz [z ts]
back/spine *jita zita zita zita tsita
hand/foot *jenda zɛnda zɛnda zinda zɛnda zendɑzɛnda
older brother*ja[e] ezɑⁱ ezae ≈ esaeza
bowstring *jaw[e/a] zave zɑvɑ
canoe *jawun za'vun zɑvun
2 pl. *jo[k] zɔqɔ zɔqɔ zu zo zo zo
fish *joŋga dzɔŋga zɔŋga zoŋgʌzɔŋga
*-j- z ? z z ?z
bone/shin *bajag ba'zagbazæg bazɑg ≈ bazɑq
breadfruit *ɣajua ɣɑzua ɣaz'waʁɑzᵘa
*-j zV ? z z zz
name *ij iza iz iz iz iz

Velar non-stop /*ɣ/ is found only following low central and mid back vowels /*a *o/ and finally following /*a/, and is retained as such in all descendants. It is often realized as uvular [ʁ]:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
Voorhoeve Voorhoeve Drabbe Voorhoeve FumeyVoorhoeve
*ɣ- ɣ [ɣ ʁ]ɣ [ʁ] ɣ ɣ [ɣ ʁ]ɣɣ [ɣ ʁ]
rain/river*ɣae ʁae ʁae ɣae ʁae ɣɛ: ʁɑⁱa
belly *ɣandam ɣa'ndamʁɑndɑm
morning *ɣasu ʁasu-ʁasunuʁasu-ʁasunuɣa'su ʁasu ɣɑsun
breadfruit*ɣajua ɣɑzua ɣaz'wa ʁɑzᵘa
mud *ɣo ʁɔʁɔ ʁɔʁɔ ʁɔ
2 sg. *ɣo[k] ʁɔqɔ ʁɔqɔ ɣo ɣo ɣo ɣo
*-ɣ- ɣ [ɣ ʁ]ɣ [ɣ ʁ]ɣ ɣ [ɣ ʁ]ɣɣ [ʁ]
netbag *ataɣa ataʁa ɑtɑʁĕ
white *paɣa paʁa-nu paʁa-nu papa'ɣapapaʁa papaʁa
dog *gaɣo ŋgaɣɔ gaɣɔ ga'ɣo gaɣ gɑɣo
*-ɣ ɣV ɣV ɣ ɣ ɣɣ [ɣ q]
fat/grease*enaɣ ĕnaɣa ĕnaɣa e'naɣ ĕnaɣ ĕnɑq
throat *naɣ nɑɣ naɣ

Zimakani adds a final vowel to consonant-final roots. The quality of the appended vowel is determined by the vowel in the preceding syllable, with mid and low /*e *o *a/ yielding copy vowels and, somwhat unexpectedly, /a/ following high front /*i/ and /i/ following high back /*u/:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
VoorhoeveVoorhoeveDrabbe Voorhoeve Fumey Voorhoeve
*-iC iCa ? iC iC iC iC
name *ij iza iz iz iz iz
rattan *baniŋg bɑniŋga bʌniŋg bɑniŋg
*-aiC aiCa aiCa eiCaiC aiC aiC
bow *faif pfɑⁱfa pfɑⁱfa fɛjf pfɑⁱ fʌⁱf fɑⁱf
*-uC uCi uCi uC uC uC uC
louse *uŋg numuŋgi wuŋg uŋg uŋg
navel *dukum lukumi du'kum duku lukum dukum
skin/bark *ŋgusum ŋgusumi ŋgusumi ŋgusum ŋgusum ŋgusum ŋgusəm
*-ouC ouCu ouCu ouCouC ? ouC
blood *kouk qoᵘku qoᵘku 'kouk koᵘk koᵘk
*-eC eCe eCe eC eC eC eC
banana *napet napĕtĕ napĕtĕ napet napĕt nepet ≈ nʌpetnĕpĕt
stand *ten tɛni tɛne tɛn
*-oC oCo oC oC ? ? oC
forest *do[s/j]ok lɔsɔqɔ lɔsɔqɔ do'zok
*-aC aCa aCa aC aC aC aC
fat/grease*enaɣ ĕnaɣa ĕnaɣa e'naɣ ĕnaɣ ĕnɑq
coconut *uaŋgat ᵘɑŋgata wɑŋɣɑt ɑŋgɑt
speech *maŋgat mɑŋgata maŋɢat mɑŋɢa mɑŋɣɑt mɑŋgɑt
sugarcane *fimak fimɛqa fimɑqa fi'maq pfimæk fimɑq fimɑq
tooth *kam kama kʰama

There are several counterexamples in which Zimakani unexpectedly has final high front vowel /i/ following final consonants with preceding low central /*a/, with /*a/ modified to sequence /ai/. These might be thought to reflect Fly River postposed gender particle /*-i/ which, if so, retains some measure of independence in Zimakani:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
Voorhoeve VoorhoeveDrabbe Voorhoeve Fumey Voorhoeve
*aC(i) aiCi [ɑⁱ ɛ]aiCi -aC-aC -aC-aC
mosquito*naŋgat(i) nɑŋgɑⁱti nɑŋgɑⁱti na'ŋɢatnɑŋgɑt nɑŋɣɑt nɑŋɑt
branch *taŋg(i) tɛtɛŋgi tatæŋg tɑŋg tɑŋga

Lake Murray vowels /*i *u *o *e *a/ conform to vowel harmony restrictions such that a high vowel /*i *u/ and a mid vowel /*e *o/ do not cooccur in the same root. Low central vowel /*a/ is neutral, and can cooccur with any vowel. These are generally retained as such in all descendants. In order to illustrate the constraints upon vowel cooccurences imposed by vowel harmony, roots including only high vowels /*i *u/ are presented first, followed by those including only mid vowels /*e *o/, followed by those containing only low vowel /*a/ and then roots containing /*a/ and any other vowel(s).

High front vowel /*i/ in simple environments is retained as such in all descendants:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
VoorhoeveVoorhoeve DrabbeVoorhoeve FumeyVoorhoeve
*i i i [i ɪ]i i ii [i ɪ]
name *ij iza iz iz iz iz
accompany*fik fik
1 pl. *ni[k] niki niki ni ni ni
go down *wis vis vis vis
*iCi
arm *piŋgi pi'ŋgipiŋgi piŋgipɪŋgɪ
areca nut*siŋgi siŋgi sɪŋgɪ siŋgi siŋgi siŋgi
vein *k[i]nik kiniq

High back vowel /*u/ in simple environments is retained as such in all descendants:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
VoorhoeveVoorhoeveDrabbeVoorhoeve Fumey Voorhoeve
*u u u u u u u
mother *wu e-vu -vu vo e-vo e-vᵘ
louse *uŋg numuŋgi wuŋg uŋg uŋg
rattan *tup tup tup
tail feather*sum sum
*uCu
navel *dukum lukumi du'kumduku lukum dukum
skin/bark *ŋgusum ŋgusumi ŋgusumi ŋgusumŋgusum ŋgusumŋgusəm

Cooccurence of high vowels /*i *u/ in a single root is rare. The only known example of the sequence /*iCu/ is a loan from Arammba, and shows assimilation of /*i/ to following /*u/:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
VoorhoeveVoorhoeveDrabbeVoorhoeve FumeyVoorhoeve
*iCu iCɯ uCu uCu ɯCu
star*ndiku dikɯ duku duku ndɯku

One example of the sequence /*uCi/ is supported by outcomparison to Inland Gulf /*muki/:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
VoorhoeveVoorhoeveDrabbe Voorhoeve FumeyVoorhoeve
*uCi ? ? uCi? ??
heart*mukik mukik

Mid front vowel /*e/ in simple environments is retained as such in all descendants:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South Boazi Kuni Kuini
Voorhoeve Voorhoeve Drabbe Voorhoeve FumeyVoorhoeve
*e e [e ɛ ĕ]e [e ɛ ĕ]e [e ɛ]e [e ɛ ĕ]ee [e ɛ ĕ]
scar *e e: e:
father *we (e-)ve ve e-ve e-ve
stand *ten tɛni tɛne tɛn
*eCe ? ? eCe eCe ??
chin/jaw*ete ete ete

Mid back vowel /*o/ in simple environments is retained as such in all descendants:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South Boazi Kuni Kuini
Voorhoeve Voorhoeve DrabbeVoorhoeve FumeyVoorhoeve
*o o [o ɔ ĕ]o [o ɔ ĕ]o o [o ɔ ŏ]oo [o ɔ ĕ]
mud *ɣo ʁɔʁɔ ʁɔʁɔ ʁɔ
1 sg. *no[k] nɔqɔ nɔqɔ no no no no
2 pl. *jo[k] zɔqɔ zɔqɔ zu (?)zo zo zo
2 sg. *ɣo[k] ʁɔqɔ ʁɔqɔ ɣo ɣo ɣo ɣo
*oCo
fruit/inside*moko mɔqɔ mɔqɔ moqo moqo mɔqɔ
nape *moŋgo mɔŋgo moŋɣo
thigh *bofo bɔfɔ bɔfɔ
breast *toto tĕtĕ tĕtĕ toto tŏtŏ tĕtĕ
urine *kono qɔnɔ
forest *do[s/j]ok lɔsɔqɔ lɔsɔqɔ do'zok

There is only one known example in which /*e/ cooccurs with /*o/ in what looks likely to be a compound:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
VoorhoeveVoorhoeveDrabbeVoorhoeve FumeyVoorhoeve
*eCaCo
leaf*esako ĕsɔqɔ ĕsɔqɔ eso'qoĕsɑqɔ ĕsɔqɔ

Low central vowel /*a/ in simple environments is retained as such in all descendants:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
Voorhoeve Voorhoeve Drabbe Voorhoeve Fumey Voorhoeve
*a a [a ɑ]a [a ɑ]a a [a ɑ]a [ɑ ʌ]a [a ɑ ʌ]
house *fa fa fa
flesh/body *ka -ka -qa -ka -qa
y. brother (1sg.)*am am
come *aw av av
lung(s) *faf fɑf fɑf
throat *naɣ nɑɣ naɣ
wing *taf taf tɑf tɑf tɑf
thunder *ndand nda:nd ndand
tongue *sas sɑs sɑs
tooth *kam kama kʰama
*aCa aCa aCa aCa aCa aCa aCa
plaited bag *awa ava ava ava ɑvɑ ava
white *paɣa paʁa-nu paʁa-nu papa'ɣa papaʁa papaʁa
speech *maŋgat mɑŋgata maŋɢat mɑŋɢa mɑŋɣɑt mɑŋgɑt
bone/shin *bajag ba'zag bazæg bazɑg ≈ bazɑq
belly *ɣandam ɣa'ndam ʁɑndɑm
*aCaCa aCaCa aCaCa aCaCaaCaCa aCaCa aCaCa
netbag *ataɣa ataʁa ɑtɑʁĕ
husband *aŋgana ɑŋgana ɑŋgana aŋɢa'na ɑŋgan- ɑŋgɑnɑ ɑŋgana
arrow *saŋgawa tsɑŋgava sɑŋgava saŋɢa'va sɑŋgava sɑŋgava

One example has Zimakani [ɑⁱ] but is not consistent with the sequence /*ai/ (below,) either in its Kuni-Boazi reflex or in Zimakani's final vowel. Here final /*i/ might be thought to be a particle (above):

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
VoorhoeveVoorhoeveDrabbe Voorhoeve Fumey Voorhoeve
*aC(i) aiCi aiCi aC aC aCaC
mosquito*naŋgat(i) nɑŋgɑⁱti nɑŋgɑⁱti na'ŋɢatnɑŋgɑt nɑŋɣɑtnɑŋɑt

Unlike high vowels /*i *u/ and mid vowels /*e *o/, low central /*a/ is harmonically neutral, and may be followed by any vowel:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
Voorhoeve Voorhoeve Drabbe Voorhoeve Fumey Voorhoeve
*aCi aCi aCi aCi aCi aCi aCi
excrement *nagi nagi nagi nagi nagi
chest *sawi[m] savi savɪ savi sɑvim savɪm
raw/alive *kandi qa'ndi qɑndi
people *anim anim -anim -ɑnim
sneeze *asis asis
rattan *baniŋg bɑniŋga bʌniŋg bɑniŋg
pig *basik ba'sik bɑsik bʌsik bɑsik
*aCu aCu aCu aCu aCu aCu aCu
body hair *anu anu anu a'nu
arrow sp. *ŋgasu ŋgasu ŋgasu ŋgɛsu ŋgasu
morning *ɣasu ʁasu-ʁasunuʁasu-ʁasunuɣa'su ʁasu ɣɑsun
woman *anum -anum
canoe *jawun za'vun zɑvun
*aCe aCe aCe aCe aCe aCe aCe
saliva/spittle*kase kasi (?)kasĕ kʌsĕ
man *anem -anem -ɑnem
banana *napet napĕtĕ napĕtĕ napet napĕt nepet ≈ nʌpetnĕpĕt
*aCo aCo aCo aCo aCo aCo ?
leech *naŋgo(i) nɑŋgɔⁱ
dog *gaɣo ŋgaɣɔ gaɣɔ ga'ɣo gaɣ (?) gɑɣo
bee/fly *ŋgambo ŋgambo ŋgambo ŋɣɑmb(o-)

Similarly, /*a/ may be be preceded by any vowel:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
Voorhoeve VoorhoeveDrabbe Voorhoeve Fumey Voorhoeve
*iCa iCe (?)iCa iCa iCa iCa iCa
back/spine*jita zita zita zita tsita
sugarcane *fimak fimɛqa (?) fimɑqa fi'maq pfimæk fimɑq fimɑq
*iCiCa iCiCa iCiCa iCiCa
three *misika misika misika miʃka
*uCa uCa uCa oCa (?)uCa uCa uCa
fence/wall*uta uta uta uta utɑ uta
old woman *puka puka puka po'ka (?) puka puka
*eCa eCa eCa eCa eCa eCa eCa
meat *sewa sava- (?)sɛ'vɛ (?) sɛva sava- (?)sɛva-
hand/foot *jenda zɛnda zɛnda zinda (?) zɛnda zendɑ zɛnda
fat/grease*enaɣ ĕnaɣa ĕnaɣa e'naɣ ĕnaɣ ĕnɑq
*oCa oCa oCa oCa oCa oCa
sick/ill *ŋgosa ŋgɔsa ŋgɔsa ŋɢosa-gi
fish *joŋga dzɔŋga zɔŋga zoŋgʌ zɔŋga

Observed vowel sequences include /*ia *ui *ua *ea *oi *ou *oa *ai *aia *au *aua *ae/.

The sequence /*ia/ is retained as such in all descendants:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
VoorhoeveVoorhoeveDrabbe Voorhoeve Fumey Voorhoeve
*ia ia ia ia ia iaea (?)
taro*k[a]okia qɔkia qɔkia qaw'qjaqɔkia qokiɑ qɔkea (?)

The sequence /*ui/ is merged with /u/ in Zimakani:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
VoorhoeveVoorhoeveDrabbeVoorhoeve FumeyVoorhoeve
*ui u u ? ai (?) ?ui
feather*kawui qavu kavu qɑvɑⁱ (?) qɑvuⁱ

The sequence /*ua/ may be heard as [wa]. It is retained as such in all descendants:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
Voorhoeve VoorhoeveDrabbe Voorhoeve Fumey Voorhoeve
*ua ua [ua ᵘa]? ua [wa]ua [ᵘa]ua [wa]ua [ᵘa]
coconut *uaŋgat ᵘɑŋgata wɑŋɣɑt ᵘɑŋgɑt
breadfruit*ɣajua ɣɑzua ɣaz'wa ʁɑzᵘa

The sequence /*ea/ is merged with /e/ in Zimakani and is sometimes simplified to /a/ in Kuni (q.v. Fumey 2007: 12):

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South Boazi Kuni Kuini
VoorhoeveVoorhoeveDrabbeVoorhoeve Fumey Voorhoeve
*ea e [ɛ]e [ɛ]? ea [ea æa]ea [eɑ ɑ]ea [eɑ ɛ ɑ]
singular m.*-eam -ɛme -ɛme -ea -eɑm ≈ -ɑm -ɛm≈-eɑm≈-ɑm
tongue *naseam nasɛme nɛsɛme nasæa:me nɑsɑm

The sequences /*oi/ is retained as such in Zimakani and in Drabbe's Boazi:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South Boazi Kuni Kuini
Voorhoeve Voorhoeve DrabbeVoorhoeve FumeyVoorhoeve
*oi oi oi oii (?) ??
black*pois pɔⁱ-nu pɔⁱ-nu pojs
elbow*kafoi kɑfɔⁱ-kɑfɔⁱqɑfɔⁱ-qɑfɔⁱ kɑfi-kɑfi (?)

The sequence /*ou/ is retained as such in all descendants. It is conceivable that it is underlyingly identical with /*au/ (below) which overlaps its range:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
Voorhoeve Voorhoeve Drabbe Voorhoeve Fumey Voorhoeve
*ou ou [oᵘ ɔᵘ]ou [oᵘ ɔᵘ]ou [ou ow]ou [oᵘ]ou [oᵘ]ou [oᵘ]
sago *dou lɔᵘ lɔᵘ dow doᵘ loᵘ doᵘ
blood*kouk qoᵘku qoᵘku 'kouk koᵘk koᵘk

The sequence /*oa/ is merged with /o/ in Kuni:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
Voorhoeve Voorhoeve Drabbe Voorhoeve FumeyVoorhoeve
*oa oa [ᵓa]oa [ᵓa]oa [ʷo]oa [ɔa]oo [ɔ]
one*koapo kᵓapɔ-ma kᵓapɔ-ma kʷopu kɔapɔ kopo kɔpɔ

In the sequences /*ai/ and /*aia/, the first /a/ is often fronted to [e ɛ]. There is no discernable pattern which might justify a distinction between /*ai *aia/ and /*ei *eia/:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
Voorhoeve Voorhoeve Drabbe Voorhoeve Fumey Voorhoeve
*ai ai [ɑⁱ ĕⁱ] ai [ɑⁱ eⁱ] ai [aj ɛj]ai [ɑⁱ]ai [ʌⁱ eⁱ]ai [ɑⁱ]
bow *faif pfɑⁱfa pfɑⁱfa fɛjf pfɑⁱ fʌⁱf fɑⁱf
smoke/fog *kaifa qĕⁱfa ≈ kxĕⁱfa qɑⁱfa qaj'fa qɑⁱfa qʌⁱfɑ qɑⁱfa
earth/ground*maŋgai mɑŋgĕⁱ mɑŋgeⁱ mɑŋgɑⁱ mɑŋɣeⁱ mɑŋgɑⁱ
*aia aia [ɑⁱa eⁱa]aia [ɑⁱa eⁱa]aia [aja] ? ? aia [ɑⁱa]
water *naia neⁱa neⁱa na'ja
sun/sky *kaia kɑⁱa ≈ qɑia kɑⁱa ≈ qɑia qɑⁱa
urine *ŋgaia ŋgɑⁱa ŋɢa'ja ŋgɑⁱa

One example suggests that the sequence /*au/ is merged with /*ou/ in Kuni-Boazi; however, due to the similar dispositions of /*ai *aia/ (above) as well as those of /*aua/, this is considered here to be secondary:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South Boazi Kuni Kuini
Voorhoeve Voorhoeve Drabbe Voorhoeve Fumey Voorhoeve
*au au [ɑu] au [ɑu] au [ow] au [ɔᵘ] au [oᵘ] au [ɔᵘ]
cassowary*kaus kɑu qɑu qows qɔᵘs qoᵘs qɔᵘs
*aua aua [awa aᵘ]aua [awa aᵘ]aua [awa owa]aua [awa aᵘa]aua [ɑᵒ oɑ]aua [aᵘa ɔɑ]
give *taua tawa tawa e-to'wa-m e-tawa-m e-toɑ-m e-tɔɑ-m
man/male *daua laᵘ laᵘ lawa daᵘa lɑᵒ laᵘa

The sequence /*ae/ is retained as such in all descendants:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
Voorhoeve VoorhoeveDrabbe Voorhoeve Fumey Voorhoeve
*ae ae [ae ɑⁱ]ae ae [ae e]ae ae [ɑᵉ ɛ:]ae [ae ɑi ɑⁱ]
fire/tree *tae tae tae 'tae ≈ te tɑᵉ tae ≈ tɑi
rain/river*ɣae ʁae ʁae ɣae ʁae ɣɛ: ʁɑⁱa

Any vowel sequence can be preceded or followed by low central /*a/:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South Boazi Kuni Kuini
Voorhoeve Voorhoeve Drabbe Voorhoeve Fumey Voorhoeve
*aCai aCai aCai ? aCai aCaiaCai
earth/ground*maŋgai mɑŋgĕⁱ mɑŋgeⁱ mɑŋgɑⁱ mɑŋɣeⁱ mɑŋgɑⁱ
*aCui aCu aCu ? aCai (?)? aCui
feather *kawui qavu kavu qɑvɑⁱ qɑvuⁱ
*aCua aCua ? aCuaaCua ? ?
breadfruit *ɣajua ɣɑzua ɣaz'wa ʁɑzᵘa
*aCea aCe aCe ? aCea aCea?
tongue *naseam nasɛme nɛsɛme nasæa:me nɑsɑm
*aCoi aCoi aCoi ? aCi (?) ? ?
elbow *kafoi kɑfɔⁱ-kɑfɔⁱ qɑfɔⁱ-qɑfɔⁱ kɑfi-kɑfi
*aiCa aiCa aiCa aiCaaiCa aiCaaiCa
smoke/fog *kaifa qĕⁱfa ≈ kxĕⁱfaqɑⁱfa qaj'fa qɑⁱfa qʌⁱfɑ qɑⁱfa
*uaCa uaCa ? ? ? uaCauaCa
coconut *uaŋgat ᵘɑŋgata wɑŋɣɑt ᵘɑŋgɑt

One sequence is followed by /*o/:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
VoorhoeveVoorhoeveDrabbe Voorhoeve Fumey Voorhoeve
*oaCo oaCo oaCo uoCu (?)oaCo oCooCo
one*koapo kᵓapɔ-ma kᵓapɔ-ma kʷopu (?) kɔapɔ kopo kɔpɔ

Gender ablaut

[under construction]

…:

Lake Murray Zimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
VoorhoeveVoorhoeveDrabbeVoorhoeve FumeyVoorhoeve
*e/*u/*i
man *anem -anem -ɑnem
woman *anum -anum
people*anim anim -anim -ɑnim
father*we (e-)veve e-ve e-ve
mother*wu e-vu -vu vo e-vo e-vᵘ

Pronouns

Lake Murray free pronouns are reconstructed as follows,with Zimakani, Begua, South Boazi and Kuini attestations drawn from Voorhoeve (1970: 7-14), Boazi from Drabbe (1954: 119, 142) and Kuni from Fumey (2007.) Voorhoeve's transcriptions are phonetic; Drabbe's and Fumey's are phonemic:

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
VoorhoeveVoorhoeveDrabbeVoorhoeve FumeyVoorhoeve
1 sg.*no[k] nɔqɔ nɔqɔ no no no no
2 sg.*ɣo[k] ʁɔqɔ ʁɔqɔ ɣo ɣo ɣo ɣo
1 pl.*ni[k] niki niki ni ni ni ?
2 pl.*jo[k] zɔqɔ zɔqɔ zu zo zo zo

The third persons are indicated by demonstratives, the bases of which are equal to the postposed vowels which induce gender ablaut (above):

Lake MurrayZimakani Begua Boazi South BoaziKuni Kuini
VoorhoeveVoorhoeveDrabbeVoorhoeve FumeyVoorhoeve
3 sg. m.*e ɛgiæ ɛziɛ ndene ndene ndene
3 sg. f.*u ᵘ-aʁa ᵘ-aʁa ndunu ndunu ndunu
3 pl. *i ⁱ-aʁa ⁱ-aʁa ndini ndini ndinɪ