Lake Murray
Timothy Usher, Santa Fe Institute
Situation
The Lake Murray family, also known as the Boazi family, is comprised of two languages, Kuni-Boazi and Zimakani, spoken around Lake Murray and south and west to the middle Fly River in Papua New Guinea's Western Province.
Sources
Murray (1916-1917: 49) 57 terms for Lake Murray (Zimakani)
Austen (1921-1922: 163) 69 comparative terms for Village Y (Koumak)
Austen (1921-1922: 163) 47 comparative terms for Lake Murray, Village Z (Zimakani,) Village Y and Village X (Kuni-Boazi,) with Lake Murray terms drawn from Murray (1916-1917: 49)
Rentoul (1924-1925: 76) 106 comparative terms for Koumak
Boelaars (1950: 55-59) English language recension of Drabbe's unpublished grammar of Boazi
Drabbe (1954: 118-127) grammar and (pp. 128-142) 418 comparative terms for Boazi
Voorhoeve (1970: 7-14) 242 comparative terms for Begua and Zimakani dialects of Zimakani, and South Boazi and Kuini dialects of Kuni-Boazi
Fumey (2005) Kuni absolutives (unobtained)
Fumey (2006) sketch phonology of Kuni
Fumey (2007) grammar of Kuni
Historical phonology
Proto-Lake Murray had 14 to 16 consonants and at least 5 vowels as follows:
*m | *n | ||
*p | *t | *k | |
[*b] | [*d] | *g | |
*mb | *nd | *ŋg | |
*f | *s | ||
*w | *j | *ɣ |
*i | *u | |
*e | *o | |
*a |
There is no apical non-stop except for the lateral reflex [l] of initial voiced stop /*d/ (below.)
Excepting velar /*g *ŋg/, which occur in all positions, voiced stops and prenasalized stops are in complimentary distribution, with anterior voiced stops /*b *d/ being found only initially and prenasalized /*mb *nd/ only medially, excepting several marginal examples of initial and final apical /*nd/ (below.) Medial /*mb/ has only been found in one root. These are distinguished here due to parallelism with the velars, which are unambiguously contrastive. This assymetrical system may be visualized as follows:
initial | medial | final |
*b | — | — |
*d | — | — |
*g | *g | *g |
— | [*mb] | — |
[*nd] | *nd | [*nd] |
*ŋg | *ŋg | *ŋg |
Final consonants are very common. Consonant clusters do not occur.
Any vowel can occur initially, medially or finally, but the cooccurance of different vowels is restricted by vowel height harmony such that a high vowel /*i *u/ and a mid vowel /*e *o/ cannot appear in the same root. The only known exceptions to this rule are vowel sequences /*oi *ou/. Low central vowel /*a/ is harmonically neutral, and can cooccur with any other vowel.
Initial consonants correspond as follows:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Kuni-Boazi |
*m- | m | m |
*n- | n | n |
*p- | p | p |
*t- | t | t |
*k- | k | k |
*b | b | b |
*d- | d | d |
*g- | g | g |
*ŋg- | ŋg | ŋg |
*f- | f | f |
*s- | s | s |
*w- | v | v |
*j- | z | z |
*ɣ- | ɣ | ɣ |
Medial consonants correspond as follows:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Kuni-Boazi |
*-m- | m | m |
*-n- | n | n |
*-p- | p | p |
*-t- | t | t |
*-k- | k | k |
*-g- | g | g |
*-mb- | mb | mb |
*-nd- | nd | nd |
*-ŋg- | ŋg | ŋg |
*-f- | f | f |
*-s- | s | s |
*-w- | v | v |
*-j- | z | z |
*-ɣ- | ɣ | ɣ |
Final consonants correspond as follows:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Kuni-Boazi |
*-m | mV | m |
*-n | nV | n |
*-p | ? | p |
*-t | tV | t |
*-k | kV | k |
*-g | ? | g |
*-ŋg | ŋgV | ŋg |
*-f | fV | f |
*-s | ø | s |
*-w | ? | v |
*-j | zV | z |
*-ɣ | ɣV | ɣ |
Vowels and vowel sequences correspond as follows:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Kuni-Boazi |
*i | i | i |
*u | u | u |
*e | e | e |
*o | o | o |
*a | a | a |
*V₁CV₁ | V₁CV₁ | V₁CV₁ |
*iCu | iCu | iCu |
*uCi | ? | uCi |
*aCV₂ | aCV₂ | aCV₂ |
*V₁Ca | V₁Ca | V₁Ca |
*ia | ia | ia |
*ui | u | ui |
*ua | ua | ua |
*ea | e | ea |
*oi | oi | oi |
*ou | ou | ou |
*oa | oa | oa |
*ai | ai | ai |
*au | au | au |
*ae | ae | ae |
*aia | aia | aia |
*aua | aua | aua |
Zimakani appends final vowels to consonant-final roots as follows:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Kuni-Boazi |
*-iC | iCa | iC |
*-uC | uCi | uC |
*-eC | eCe | eC |
*-oC | oCo | oC |
*-aC | aCa | aC |
*-eaC | eCe | eaC |
*-ouC | ouCu | ouC |
*-aiC | aiCa | aiC |
These correspondences are exemplified as follows, with Zimakani, Begua, South Boazi and Kuini attestations drawn from Voorhoeve (1970: 7-14), Boazi from Drabbe (1954: 118-127, 28-142,) and Kuni from Fumey (2006, 2007, p.c.) Voorhoeve's transcriptions are phonetic; Drabbe's and Fumey's are phonemic.
Bilabial nasal /*m/ is generally retained as such in all descendants except finally, where it is sporadically dropped in Voorhoeve's South Boazi:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*m- | m | m | m | m | m | m | |
three | *misika | misika | misika | miʃka | |||
earth/ground | *maŋgai | mɑŋgĕⁱ | mɑŋgeⁱ | mɑŋgɑⁱ | mɑŋɣeⁱ | mɑŋgɑⁱ | |
speech | *maŋgat | mɑŋgata | maŋɢat | mɑŋɢa | mɑŋɣɑt | mɑŋgɑt | |
fear | *mV | mɔⁱ | maⁱ | mʌᵉ | |||
fruit/inside | *moko | mɔqɔ | mɔqɔ | moqo | moqo | mɔqɔ | |
nape | *moŋgo | mɔŋgo | moŋɣo | ||||
heart | *mukik | mukik | |||||
*-m- | m | m | m | m | m | m | |
sugarcane | *fimak | fimɛqa | fimɑqa | fi'maq | pfimæk | fimɑq | fimɑq |
*-m | mV | mV | m | m [m ø] | m | m | |
singular m. | *-eam | -ɛme | -ɛme | -ea | -eɑm ≈ -ɑm | -ɛm≈-eɑm≈-ɑm | |
singular f. | *-eum (?) | -ɛmɔ | -ɛmɔ ≈-ɛmu | -m | -ɛm ≈ -m | ||
y. brother (1sg.) | *am | am | |||||
people | *anim | anim | -anim | -ɑnim | |||
man | *anem | -anem | -ɑnem | ||||
woman | *anum | -anum | |||||
tongue | *naseam | nasɛme | nɛsɛme | nasæa:me | nɑsɑm | ||
navel | *dukum | lukumi | du'kum | duku | lukum | dukum | |
tail feather | *sum | sum | |||||
tooth | *kam | kama | kʰama | ||||
skin/bark | *ŋgusum | ŋgusumi | ŋgusumi | ŋgusum | ŋgusum≈ŋgusu | ŋgusum | ŋgusəm |
belly | *ɣandam | ɣa'ndam | ʁɑndɑm |
Apical nasal /*n/ is retained as such in all descendants:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*n- | n | n | n | n | n | n | |
1 pl. | *ni[k] | niki | niki | ni | ni | ni | |
water | *neia | neⁱa | neⁱa | na'ja | |||
banana | *napet | napĕtĕ | napĕtĕ | napet | napĕt | nepet ≈ nʌpet | nĕpĕt |
tongue | *naseam | nasɛme | nɛsɛme | nasæa:me | nɑsɑm | ||
excrement | *nagi | nagi | nagi | nagi | nagi | ||
mosquito | *naŋgat(i) | nɑŋgɑⁱti | nɑŋgɑⁱti | na'ŋɢat | nɑŋgɑt | nɑŋɣɑt | nɑŋɑt |
leech | *naŋgo(i) | nɑŋgɔⁱ | |||||
throat | *naɣ | nɑɣ | naɣ | ||||
1 sg. | *no[k] | nɔqɔ | nɔqɔ | no | no | no | no |
*-n- | n | n | n | n | n | n | |
fat/grease | *enaɣ | ĕnaɣa | ĕnaɣa | e'naɣ | ĕnaɣ | ĕnɑq | |
people | *anim | anim | -anim | -ɑnim | |||
man | *anem | -anem | -ɑnem | ||||
woman | *anum | -anum | |||||
body hair | *anu | anu | anu | a'nu | |||
husband | *aŋgana | ɑŋgana | ɑŋgana | aŋɢa'na | ɑŋgan- | ɑŋgɑnɑ | ɑŋgana |
rattan | *baniŋg | bɑniŋga | bʌniŋg | bɑniŋg | |||
sleep | *tena | tena | tĕna | ||||
vein | *k[i]nik | kiniq | |||||
urine | *kono | qɔnɔ | |||||
*-n | nV | nV | n | ? | n | ? | |
stand | *ten | tɛni | tɛne | tɛn | |||
canoe | *jawun | za'vun | zɑvun |
Bilabial voiceless stop /*p/ is retained as such in all descendants. The only known example of final /*p/ may be a loan from Marind:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*p- | p | p | p | p | p | p | |
arm | *piŋgi | pi'ŋgi | piŋgi | piŋgi | pɪŋgɪ | ||
white | *paɣa | paʁa-nu | paʁa-nu | papa'ɣa | papaʁa | papaʁa | |
black | *pois | pɔⁱ-nu | pɔⁱ-nu | pojs | |||
old woman | *puka | puka | puka | po'ka | puka | puka | |
*-p- | p | p | p | p | p | p | |
banana | *napet | napĕtĕ | napĕtĕ | napet | napĕt | nepet ≈ nʌpet | nĕpĕt |
one | *koapo | kᵓapɔ-ma | kᵓapɔ-ma | kʷopu | kɔapɔ | kopo | kɔpɔ |
*-p | p | p | |||||
rattan | *tup | tup | tup |
Apical voiceless stop /*t/ is retained as such in all descendants:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*t- | t | t | t | t | t | t | |
stand | *ten | tɛni | tɛne | tɛn | |||
sleep | *tena | tena | tĕna | ||||
fire/tree | *tae | tae | tae | 'tae ≈ te | tɑᵉ | tae ≈ tɑi | |
wing | *taf | taf | tɑf | tɑf | tɑf | ||
branch | *taŋg(i) | tɛtɛŋgi | tatæŋg | tɑŋg | tɑŋga | ||
give | *taua | tawa | tawa | e-to'wa-m | e-tawa-m | e-toɑ-m | e-tɔɑ-m |
breast | *toto | tĕtĕ | tĕtĕ | toto | tŏtŏ | tĕtĕ | |
rattan | *tup | tup | tup | ||||
*-t- | t | t | t | t | t | t | |
chin/jaw | *ete | ete | ete | ||||
netbag | *ataɣa | ataʁa | ɑtɑʁĕ | ||||
fence/wall | *uta | uta | uta | uta | utɑ | uta | |
breast | *toto | tĕtĕ | tĕtĕ | toto | tŏtŏ | tĕtĕ | |
back/spine | *jita | zita | zita | zita | tsita | ||
*-t | tV | tV | t | t | t | t | |
coconut | *uaŋgat | ᵘɑŋgata | wɑŋɣɑt | ᵘɑŋgɑt | |||
speech | *maŋgat | mɑŋgata | maŋɢat | mɑŋɢa | mɑŋɣɑt | mɑŋgɑt | |
banana | *napet | napĕtĕ | napĕtĕ | napet | napĕt | nepet ≈ nʌpet | nĕpĕt |
mosquito | *naŋgat(i) | nɑŋgɑⁱti | nɑŋgɑⁱti | na'ŋɢat | nɑŋgɑt | nɑŋɣɑt | nɑŋɑt |
Velar voiceless stop /*k/ is retained as such in all descendants. It is typically realized as uvular [q] when followed by low contral or mid back vowels /*a *o/ or finally following /*a *o/:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*k- | k [k q kx] | k [k q] | k [k q] | k [k q] | k [k q] | k [k q] | |
vein | *k[i]nik | kiniq | |||||
flesh/body | *ka | -ka | -qa | -ka | qɑ | -qa | |
sun/sky | *kaia | kɑⁱa ≈ qɑia | kɑⁱa ≈ qɑia | qɑⁱa | |||
smoke/fog | *kaifa | qĕⁱfa ≈ kxĕⁱfa | qɑⁱfa | qaj'fa | qɑⁱfa | qʌⁱfɑ | qɑⁱfa |
taro | *k[a]okia | qɔkia | qɔkia | qaw'qja | qɔkia | qokiɑ | qɔkea |
cassowary | *kaus | kɑu | qɑu | qows | qɔᵘs | qoᵘs | qɔᵘs |
tooth | *kam | kama | kʰama | ||||
elbow | *kafoi | kɑfɔⁱ-kɑfɔⁱ | qɑfɔⁱ-qɑfɔⁱ | kɑfi-kɑfi | |||
raw/alive | *kandi | qa'ndi | qɑndi | ||||
saliva/spittle | *kase | kasi | kasĕ | kʌsĕ | |||
paddle | *kaw[i] | ka'vi | |||||
feather | *kawui | qavu | kavu | qɑvɑⁱ | qɑvuⁱ | ||
one | *koapo | kᵓapɔ-ma | kᵓapɔ-ma | kʷopu | kɔapɔ | kopo | kɔpɔ |
blood | *kouk | qoᵘku | qoᵘku | 'kouk | koᵘk | koᵘk | |
urine | *kono | qɔnɔ | |||||
*-k- | k [k q] | k [k q] | k [k q] | k [k q] | k [k q] | k [k q] | |
leaf | *esako | ĕsɔqɔ | ĕsɔqɔ | eso'qo | ĕsɑqɔ | ĕsɔqɔ | |
three | *misika | misika | misika | miʃka | |||
fruit/inside | *moko | mɔqɔ | mɔqɔ | moqo | moqo | mɔqɔ | |
heart | *mukik | mukik | |||||
old woman | *puka | puka | puka | po'ka | puka | puka | |
navel | *dukum | lukumi | du'kum | duku | lukum | dukum | |
star | *ndiku | dikɯ | duku | duku | ndɯku | ||
taro | *k[a]okia | qɔkia | qɔkia | qaw'qja | qɔkia | qokiɑ | qɔkea |
*-k | kV [k q] | kV [k q] | k [k q] | k [k q] | k [k q] | k [k q] | |
heart | *mukik | mukik | |||||
sugarcane | *fimak | fimɛqa | fimɑqa | fi'maq | pfimæk | fimɑq | fimɑq |
accompany | *fik | fik | |||||
pig | *basik | ba'sik | bɑsik | bʌsik | bɑsik | ||
forest | *do[s/j]ok | lɔsɔqɔ | lɔsɔqɔ | do'zoq | |||
vein | *k[i]nik | kiniq | |||||
blood | *kouk | qoᵘku | qoᵘku | 'kouk | koᵘk | koᵘk |
One puzzling correspondence found only in free pronouns is represented here by <[*k]>. It might be thought to be a suffix in Zimakani, but no suffix of this form is attested in Drabbe's Boazi or Fumey's Kuni. A similar discrepancy is found in the finals of Lower Fly River free pronouns, where it is likewise tentatively considered to be phonological rather than morphological in origin:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*-[k] | kV | kV | ø | ø | ø | ø | |
1 pl. | *ni[k] | niki | niki | ni | ni | ni | |
1 sg. | *no[k] | nɔqɔ | nɔqɔ | no | no | no | no |
2 pl. | *jo[k] | zɔqɔ | zɔqɔ | zu | zo | zo | zo |
2 sg. | *ɣo[k] | ʁɔqɔ | ʁɔqɔ | ɣo | ɣo | ɣo | ɣo |
Bilabial voiced stop /*b/ is found only initially. It is retained as such in all descendants:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*b- | b | b | b | b | b | b | |
rattan | *baniŋg | bɑniŋga | bʌniŋg | bɑniŋg | |||
pig | *basik | ba'sik | bɑsik | bʌsik | bɑsik | ||
bone/shin | *bajag | ba'zag | bazæg | bazɑg ≈ bazɑq | |||
thigh | *bofo | bɔfɔ | bɔfɔ |
Apical voiced stop /*d/ is found only intially. It is predominantly realized as a lateral non-stop [l] in modern Kuni (Fumey 2006: 6) and in Zimakani:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*d- | d [l] | d [l] | d [d l] | d | d [l d ɾ] | d [d l] | |
man/male | *daua | laᵘ | laᵘ | lawa | daᵘa | lɑᵒ | laᵘa |
sago | *dou | lɔᵘ | lɔᵘ | dow | doᵘ | loᵘ | doᵘ |
forest | *do[s/j]ok | lɔsɔqɔ | lɔsɔqɔ | do'zok | |||
navel | *dukum | lukumi | du'kum | duku | lukum | dukum |
Velar voiced stop /*g/ is retained as such in all descendants:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*g- | g | g | g | g | g | g | |
dog | *gaɣo | ŋgaɣɔ (?) | gaɣɔ | ga'ɣo | gaɣ | gɑɣo | |
lime gourd | *g[o/u]f[e/a] | gɔfɛ | gufæ | gufa | |||
*-g- | g | g | g | g | g | g | |
excrement | *nagi | nagi | nagi | nagi | nagi | ||
evening | *kag[i/u]s | kagi | kagi | kagus | qɑgus | ||
*-g | ? | ? | g | g | ? | g [g q] | |
bone/shin | *bajag | ba'zag | bazæg | bazɑg ≈ bazɑq |
Bilabial prenasalized stop /*mb/ has been found only medially in one root:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*-mb- | mb | mb | ? | ? | mb | ? | |
bee/fly | *ŋgambo | ŋgambo | ŋgambo | ŋɣɑmb(o-) |
Apical prenasalized stop /*nd/ is primarily found medially, where it is retained as such in all descendants:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*-nd- | nd | nd | nd | nd | nd | nd | |
raw/alive | *kandi | qa'ndi | qɑndi | ||||
belly | *ɣandam | ɣa'ndam | ʁɑndɑm | ||||
hand/foot | *jenda | zɛnda | zɛnda | zinda | zɛnda | zendɑ | zɛnda |
Initial and final /*nd/ exist, but are marginal, the first being a loan from Arammba which is also found in Kumbe River Marind (q.v. Drabbe 1955: 150-151,) the second an apparent reduplication which does not add a final vowel in Zimakani as do other nominals (below.) These are distinguished from initial voiced stop /*d/ not only by prenasalization but also the failure to lenit to lateral non-stop [l] (above):
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*nd- | nd [nd d] | nd [d] | nd | nd [d] | ? | nd | |
star | *ndiku | dikɯ | duku | duku | ndɯku | ||
thunder | *ndand | nda:nd | ndand | ||||
*-nd | nd | ? | nd | ? | ? | ? | |
thunder | *ndand | nda:nd | ndand |
Velar prenasalized stop /*ŋg/ occurs in all positions. When followed by low central and mid back vowels /*a *o/, it is typically realized as uvular [ŋɢ] or fricated to [ŋɣ] in Kuni-Boazi, in parallel with the backing of /*k/ when followed by the same vowels (above):
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*ŋg- | ŋg | ŋg | ŋg [ŋg ŋɢ] | ŋg | ŋg [ŋg ŋɣ] | ŋg | |
urine | *ŋgaia | ŋgɑⁱa | ŋɢa'ja | ŋgɑⁱa | |||
bee/fly | *ŋgambo | ŋgambo | ŋgambo | ŋɣɑmb(o-) | |||
arrow sp. | *ŋgasu | ŋgasu | ŋgasu | ŋgɛsu | ŋgasu | ||
sick/ill | *ŋgosa | ŋgɔsa | ŋgɔsa | ŋɢosa-gi | |||
skin/bark | *ŋgusum | ŋgusumi | ŋgusumi | ŋgusum | ŋgusum | ŋgusum | ŋgusəm |
*-ŋg- | ŋg | ŋg | ŋg [ŋg ŋɢ] | ŋg [ŋg ŋɢ] | ŋg [ŋg ŋɣ] | ŋg [ŋg ŋ] | |
husband | *aŋgana | ɑŋgana | ɑŋgana | aŋɢa'na | ɑŋgan- | ɑŋgɑnɑ | ɑŋgana |
coconut | *uaŋgat | ᵘɑŋgata | wɑŋɣɑt | ᵘɑŋgɑt | |||
earth/ground | *maŋgai | mɑŋgĕⁱ | mɑŋgeⁱ | mɑŋgɑⁱ | mɑŋɣeⁱ | mɑŋgɑⁱ | |
speech | *maŋgat | mɑŋgata | maŋɢat | mɑŋɢa | mɑŋɣɑt | mɑŋgɑt | |
nape | *moŋgo | mɔŋgo | moŋɣo | ||||
arm | *piŋgi | pi'ŋgi | piŋgi | piŋgi | pɪŋgɪ | ||
mosquito | *naŋgat(i) | nɑŋgɑⁱti | nɑŋgɑⁱti | na'ŋɢat | nɑŋgɑt | nɑŋɣɑt | nɑŋɑt |
leech | *naŋgo(i) | nɑŋgɔⁱ | |||||
areca nut | *siŋgi | siŋgi | sɪŋgɪ | siŋgi | siŋgi | siŋgi | |
arrow | *saŋgawa | tsɑŋgava | sɑŋgava | saŋɢa'va | sɑŋgava | sɑŋgava | |
fish | *joŋga | dzɔŋga | zɔŋga | zoŋgʌ | zɔŋga | ||
*-ŋg | ŋgV | ŋgV | ŋg | ŋg | ŋg | ŋg | |
louse | *uŋg | numuŋgi | wuŋg | uŋg | uŋg | ||
rattan | *baniŋg | bɑniŋga | bʌniŋg | bɑniŋg | |||
branch | *taŋg(i) | tɛtɛŋgi | tatæŋg | tɑŋg | tɑŋga |
Bilabial or labiodental fricative /*f/ is retained as such in all descendants. Initially, it is sometimes fortited to affricate [pf]:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*f- | f [f pf] | f [f pf] | f | f [f pf] | f | f | |
sugarcane | *fimak | fimɛqa | fimɑqa | fi'maq | pfimæk | fimɑq | fimɑq |
accompany | *fik | fik | |||||
house | *fa | fa | fa | ||||
bow | *faif | pfɑⁱfa | pfɑⁱfa | fɛjf | pfɑⁱ | fʌⁱf | fɑⁱf |
lung(s) | *faf | fɑf | fɑf | ||||
*-f- | f | f | f | f | f | f | |
thigh | *bofo | bɔfɔ | bɔfɔ | ||||
smoke/fog | *kaifa | qĕⁱfa ≈ kxĕⁱfa | qɑⁱfa | qaj'fa | qɑⁱfa | qʌⁱfɑ | qɑⁱfa |
elbow | *kafoi | kɑfɔⁱ-kɑfɔⁱ | qɑfɔⁱ-qɑfɔⁱ | kɑfi-kɑfi | |||
lime gourd | *g[o/u]f[e/a] | gɔfɛ | gufæ | gufa | |||
*-f | fV | fV | f | f | f | f | |
bow | *faif | pfɑⁱfa | pfɑⁱfa | fɛjf | pfɑⁱ | fʌⁱf | fɑⁱf |
lung(s) | *faf | fɑf | fɑf | ||||
wing | *taf | taf | tɑf | tɑf | tɑf |
Initial and medial fricative /*s/ is retained as such in all descendants. Initially, it is sometimes fortited to affricate [ts]:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*s- | s [s ts] | s | s | s | s | s | |
areca nut | *siŋgi | siŋgi | sɪŋgɪ | siŋgi | siŋgi | siŋgi | |
meat | *sewa | sava- | sɛ'vɛ | sɛva | sava- | sɛva- | |
tongue | *sas | sɑs | sɑs | ||||
arrow | *saŋgawa | tsɑŋgava | sɑŋgava | saŋɢa'va | sɑŋgava | sɑŋgava | |
chest | *sawi[m] | savi | savɪ | savi | sɑvim | savɪm | |
tail feather | *sum | sum | |||||
*-s- | s | s | s | s | s | s [s ʃ] | |
leaf | *esako | ĕsɔqɔ | ĕsɔqɔ | eso'qo | ĕsɑqɔ | ĕsɔqɔ | |
sneeze | *asis | asis | |||||
three | *misika | misika | misika | miʃka | |||
pig | *basik | ba'sik | bɑsik | bʌsik | bɑsik | ||
tongue | *naseam | nasɛme | nɛsɛme | nasæa:me | nɑsɑm | ||
saliva/spittle | *kase | kasi | kasĕ | kʌsĕ | |||
arrow sp. | *ŋgasu | ŋgasu | ŋgasu | ŋgɛsu | ŋgasu | ||
sick/ill | *ŋgosa | ŋgɔsa | ŋgɔsa | ŋɢosa-gi | |||
skin/bark | *ŋgusum | ŋgusumi | ŋgusumi | ŋgusum | ŋgusum | ŋgusum | ŋgusəm |
morning | *ɣasu | ʁasu-ʁasunu | ʁasu-ʁasunu | ɣa'su | ʁasu | ɣɑsun |
Final /*s/ is retained as such in Kuni-Boazi and appears to have been lost in Zimakani, without the copy vowel which follows other final consonants (below.) However, there is no direct confirmation of the Zimakani correspondences, as the only known examples in which final /*s/ is supported by outcomparison, /*sas/ “tongue” and /*vis/ “go up”, do not have Zimakani attestations in our dataset:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*-s | ø | ø | s | s | s | s | |
sneeze | *asis | asis | |||||
black | *pois | pɔⁱ-nu | pɔⁱ-nu | pojs | |||
tongue | *sas | sɑs | sɑs | ||||
cassowary | *kaus | kɑu | qɑu | qows | qɔᵘs | qoᵘs | qɔᵘs |
evening | *kag[i/u]s | kagi | kagi | kagus | qɑgus | ||
go down | *wis | vis | vis | vis |
Bilabial non-stop /*w/ is occluded to labiodental [v] in all descendants:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*w- | v | ? | v | v | v | v | |
go down | *wis | vis | vis | vis | |||
father | *we | (e-)ve | ve | e-ve | e-ve | ||
mother | *wu | e-vu | -vu | vo | e-vo | e-vᵘ | |
*-w- | v | v | v | v | v | v | |
plaited bag | *awa | ava | ava | ava | ɑvɑ | ava | |
meat | *sewa | sava- | sɛ'vɛ | sɛva | sava- | sɛva- | |
arrow | *saŋgawa | tsɑŋgava | sɑŋgava | saŋɢa'va | sɑŋgava | sɑŋgava | |
chest | *sawi[m] | savi | savɪ | savi | sɑvim | savɪm | |
paddle | *kaw[i] | ka'vi | |||||
feather | *kawui | qavu | kavu | qɑvɑⁱ | qɑvuⁱ | ||
bowstring | *jaw[e/a] | zave | zɑvɑ | ||||
canoe | *jawun | za'vun | zɑvun | ||||
*-w | ? | ? | ? | v | ? | v | |
come | *aw | av | av |
Palatal non-stop /*j/ is occluded to [z dz dʒ] in all descendants, with Rentoul's (1924-1925: 76) Koumak (not shown here) giving [dʒ]:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*j- | z [z dz] | z | z | z | z | z [z ts] | |
back/spine | *jita | zita | zita | zita | tsita | ||
hand/foot | *jenda | zɛnda | zɛnda | zinda | zɛnda | zendɑ | zɛnda |
older brother | *ja[e] | ezɑⁱ | ezae ≈ esae | za | |||
bowstring | *jaw[e/a] | zave | zɑvɑ | ||||
canoe | *jawun | za'vun | zɑvun | ||||
2 pl. | *jo[k] | zɔqɔ | zɔqɔ | zu | zo | zo | zo |
fish | *joŋga | dzɔŋga | zɔŋga | zoŋgʌ | zɔŋga | ||
*-j- | z | ? | z | z | ? | z | |
bone/shin | *bajag | ba'zag | bazæg | bazɑg ≈ bazɑq | |||
breadfruit | *ɣajua | ɣɑzua | ɣaz'wa | ʁɑzᵘa | |||
*-j | zV | ? | z | z | z | z | |
name | *ij | iza | iz | iz | iz | iz |
Velar non-stop /*ɣ/ is found only following low central and mid back vowels /*a *o/ and finally following /*a/, and is retained as such in all descendants. It is often realized as uvular [ʁ]:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*ɣ- | ɣ [ɣ ʁ] | ɣ [ʁ] | ɣ | ɣ [ɣ ʁ] | ɣ | ɣ [ɣ ʁ] | |
rain/river | *ɣae | ʁae | ʁae | ɣae | ʁae | ɣɛ: | ʁɑⁱa |
belly | *ɣandam | ɣa'ndam | ʁɑndɑm | ||||
morning | *ɣasu | ʁasu-ʁasunu | ʁasu-ʁasunu | ɣa'su | ʁasu | ɣɑsun | |
breadfruit | *ɣajua | ɣɑzua | ɣaz'wa | ʁɑzᵘa | |||
mud | *ɣo | ʁɔʁɔ | ʁɔʁɔ | ʁɔ | |||
2 sg. | *ɣo[k] | ʁɔqɔ | ʁɔqɔ | ɣo | ɣo | ɣo | ɣo |
*-ɣ- | ɣ [ɣ ʁ] | ɣ [ɣ ʁ] | ɣ | ɣ [ɣ ʁ] | ɣ | ɣ [ʁ] | |
netbag | *ataɣa | ataʁa | ɑtɑʁĕ | ||||
white | *paɣa | paʁa-nu | paʁa-nu | papa'ɣa | papaʁa | papaʁa | |
dog | *gaɣo | ŋgaɣɔ | gaɣɔ | ga'ɣo | gaɣ | gɑɣo | |
*-ɣ | ɣV | ɣV | ɣ | ɣ | ɣ | ɣ [ɣ q] | |
fat/grease | *enaɣ | ĕnaɣa | ĕnaɣa | e'naɣ | ĕnaɣ | ĕnɑq | |
throat | *naɣ | nɑɣ | naɣ |
Zimakani adds a final vowel to consonant-final roots. The quality of the appended vowel is determined by the vowel in the preceding syllable, with mid and low /*e *o *a/ yielding copy vowels and, somwhat unexpectedly, /a/ following high front /*i/ and /i/ following high back /*u/:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*-iC | iCa | ? | iC | iC | iC | iC | |
name | *ij | iza | iz | iz | iz | iz | |
rattan | *baniŋg | bɑniŋga | bʌniŋg | bɑniŋg | |||
*-aiC | aiCa | aiCa | eiC | aiC | aiC | aiC | |
bow | *faif | pfɑⁱfa | pfɑⁱfa | fɛjf | pfɑⁱ | fʌⁱf | fɑⁱf |
*-uC | uCi | uCi | uC | uC | uC | uC | |
louse | *uŋg | numuŋgi | wuŋg | uŋg | uŋg | ||
navel | *dukum | lukumi | du'kum | duku | lukum | dukum | |
skin/bark | *ŋgusum | ŋgusumi | ŋgusumi | ŋgusum | ŋgusum | ŋgusum | ŋgusəm |
*-ouC | ouCu | ouCu | ouC | ouC | ? | ouC | |
blood | *kouk | qoᵘku | qoᵘku | 'kouk | koᵘk | koᵘk | |
*-eC | eCe | eCe | eC | eC | eC | eC | |
banana | *napet | napĕtĕ | napĕtĕ | napet | napĕt | nepet ≈ nʌpet | nĕpĕt |
stand | *ten | tɛni | tɛne | tɛn | |||
*-oC | oCo | oC | oC | ? | ? | oC | |
forest | *do[s/j]ok | lɔsɔqɔ | lɔsɔqɔ | do'zok | |||
*-aC | aCa | aCa | aC | aC | aC | aC | |
fat/grease | *enaɣ | ĕnaɣa | ĕnaɣa | e'naɣ | ĕnaɣ | ĕnɑq | |
coconut | *uaŋgat | ᵘɑŋgata | wɑŋɣɑt | ɑŋgɑt | |||
speech | *maŋgat | mɑŋgata | maŋɢat | mɑŋɢa | mɑŋɣɑt | mɑŋgɑt | |
sugarcane | *fimak | fimɛqa | fimɑqa | fi'maq | pfimæk | fimɑq | fimɑq |
tooth | *kam | kama | kʰama |
There are several counterexamples in which Zimakani unexpectedly has final high front vowel /i/ following final consonants with preceding low central /*a/, with /*a/ modified to sequence /ai/. These might be thought to reflect Fly River postposed gender particle /*-i/ which, if so, retains some measure of independence in Zimakani:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*aC(i) | aiCi [ɑⁱ ɛ] | aiCi | -aC | -aC | -aC | -aC | |
mosquito | *naŋgat(i) | nɑŋgɑⁱti | nɑŋgɑⁱti | na'ŋɢat | nɑŋgɑt | nɑŋɣɑt | nɑŋɑt |
branch | *taŋg(i) | tɛtɛŋgi | tatæŋg | tɑŋg | tɑŋga |
Lake Murray vowels /*i *u *o *e *a/ conform to vowel harmony restrictions such that a high vowel /*i *u/ and a mid vowel /*e *o/ do not cooccur in the same root. Low central vowel /*a/ is neutral, and can cooccur with any vowel. These are generally retained as such in all descendants. In order to illustrate the constraints upon vowel cooccurences imposed by vowel harmony, roots including only high vowels /*i *u/ are presented first, followed by those including only mid vowels /*e *o/, followed by those containing only low vowel /*a/ and then roots containing /*a/ and any other vowel(s).
High front vowel /*i/ in simple environments is retained as such in all descendants:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*i | i | i [i ɪ] | i | i | i | i [i ɪ] | |
name | *ij | iza | iz | iz | iz | iz | |
accompany | *fik | fik | |||||
1 pl. | *ni[k] | niki | niki | ni | ni | ni | |
go down | *wis | vis | vis | vis | |||
*iCi | |||||||
arm | *piŋgi | pi'ŋgi | piŋgi | piŋgi | pɪŋgɪ | ||
areca nut | *siŋgi | siŋgi | sɪŋgɪ | siŋgi | siŋgi | siŋgi | |
vein | *k[i]nik | kiniq |
High back vowel /*u/ in simple environments is retained as such in all descendants:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*u | u | u | u | u | u | u | |
mother | *wu | e-vu | -vu | vo | e-vo | e-vᵘ | |
louse | *uŋg | numuŋgi | wuŋg | uŋg | uŋg | ||
rattan | *tup | tup | tup | ||||
tail feather | *sum | sum | |||||
*uCu | |||||||
navel | *dukum | lukumi | du'kum | duku | lukum | dukum | |
skin/bark | *ŋgusum | ŋgusumi | ŋgusumi | ŋgusum | ŋgusum | ŋgusum | ŋgusəm |
Cooccurence of high vowels /*i *u/ in a single root is rare. The only known example of the sequence /*iCu/ is a loan from Arammba, and shows assimilation of /*i/ to following /*u/:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*iCu | iCɯ | uCu | uCu | ɯCu | |||
star | *ndiku | dikɯ | duku | duku | ndɯku |
One example of the sequence /*uCi/ is supported by outcomparison to Inland Gulf /*muki/:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*uCi | ? | ? | uCi | ? | ? | ? | |
heart | *mukik | mukik |
Mid front vowel /*e/ in simple environments is retained as such in all descendants:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*e | e [e ɛ ĕ] | e [e ɛ ĕ] | e [e ɛ] | e [e ɛ ĕ] | e | e [e ɛ ĕ] | |
scar | *e | e: | e: | ||||
father | *we | (e-)ve | ve | e-ve | e-ve | ||
stand | *ten | tɛni | tɛne | tɛn | |||
*eCe | ? | ? | eCe | eCe | ? | ? | |
chin/jaw | *ete | ete | ete |
Mid back vowel /*o/ in simple environments is retained as such in all descendants:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*o | o [o ɔ ĕ] | o [o ɔ ĕ] | o | o [o ɔ ŏ] | o | o [o ɔ ĕ] | |
mud | *ɣo | ʁɔʁɔ | ʁɔʁɔ | ʁɔ | |||
1 sg. | *no[k] | nɔqɔ | nɔqɔ | no | no | no | no |
2 pl. | *jo[k] | zɔqɔ | zɔqɔ | zu (?) | zo | zo | zo |
2 sg. | *ɣo[k] | ʁɔqɔ | ʁɔqɔ | ɣo | ɣo | ɣo | ɣo |
*oCo | |||||||
fruit/inside | *moko | mɔqɔ | mɔqɔ | moqo | moqo | mɔqɔ | |
nape | *moŋgo | mɔŋgo | moŋɣo | ||||
thigh | *bofo | bɔfɔ | bɔfɔ | ||||
breast | *toto | tĕtĕ | tĕtĕ | toto | tŏtŏ | tĕtĕ | |
urine | *kono | qɔnɔ | |||||
forest | *do[s/j]ok | lɔsɔqɔ | lɔsɔqɔ | do'zok |
There is only one known example in which /*e/ cooccurs with /*o/ in what looks likely to be a compound:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*eCaCo | |||||||
leaf | *esako | ĕsɔqɔ | ĕsɔqɔ | eso'qo | ĕsɑqɔ | ĕsɔqɔ |
Low central vowel /*a/ in simple environments is retained as such in all descendants:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*a | a [a ɑ] | a [a ɑ] | a | a [a ɑ] | a [ɑ ʌ] | a [a ɑ ʌ] | |
house | *fa | fa | fa | ||||
flesh/body | *ka | -ka | -qa | -ka | qɑ | -qa | |
y. brother (1sg.) | *am | am | |||||
come | *aw | av | av | ||||
lung(s) | *faf | fɑf | fɑf | ||||
throat | *naɣ | nɑɣ | naɣ | ||||
wing | *taf | taf | tɑf | tɑf | tɑf | ||
thunder | *ndand | nda:nd | ndand | ||||
tongue | *sas | sɑs | sɑs | ||||
tooth | *kam | kama | kʰama | ||||
*aCa | aCa | aCa | aCa | aCa | aCa | aCa | |
plaited bag | *awa | ava | ava | ava | ɑvɑ | ava | |
white | *paɣa | paʁa-nu | paʁa-nu | papa'ɣa | papaʁa | papaʁa | |
speech | *maŋgat | mɑŋgata | maŋɢat | mɑŋɢa | mɑŋɣɑt | mɑŋgɑt | |
bone/shin | *bajag | ba'zag | bazæg | bazɑg ≈ bazɑq | |||
belly | *ɣandam | ɣa'ndam | ʁɑndɑm | ||||
*aCaCa | aCaCa | aCaCa | aCaCa | aCaCa | aCaCa | aCaCa | |
netbag | *ataɣa | ataʁa | ɑtɑʁĕ | ||||
husband | *aŋgana | ɑŋgana | ɑŋgana | aŋɢa'na | ɑŋgan- | ɑŋgɑnɑ | ɑŋgana |
arrow | *saŋgawa | tsɑŋgava | sɑŋgava | saŋɢa'va | sɑŋgava | sɑŋgava |
One example has Zimakani [ɑⁱ] but is not consistent with the sequence /*ai/ (below,) either in its Kuni-Boazi reflex or in Zimakani's final vowel. Here final /*i/ might be thought to be a particle (above):
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*aC(i) | aiCi | aiCi | aC | aC | aC | aC | |
mosquito | *naŋgat(i) | nɑŋgɑⁱti | nɑŋgɑⁱti | na'ŋɢat | nɑŋgɑt | nɑŋɣɑt | nɑŋɑt |
Unlike high vowels /*i *u/ and mid vowels /*e *o/, low central /*a/ is harmonically neutral, and may be followed by any vowel:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*aCi | aCi | aCi | aCi | aCi | aCi | aCi | |
excrement | *nagi | nagi | nagi | nagi | nagi | ||
chest | *sawi[m] | savi | savɪ | savi | sɑvim | savɪm | |
raw/alive | *kandi | qa'ndi | qɑndi | ||||
people | *anim | anim | -anim | -ɑnim | |||
sneeze | *asis | asis | |||||
rattan | *baniŋg | bɑniŋga | bʌniŋg | bɑniŋg | |||
pig | *basik | ba'sik | bɑsik | bʌsik | bɑsik | ||
*aCu | aCu | aCu | aCu | aCu | aCu | aCu | |
body hair | *anu | anu | anu | a'nu | |||
arrow sp. | *ŋgasu | ŋgasu | ŋgasu | ŋgɛsu | ŋgasu | ||
morning | *ɣasu | ʁasu-ʁasunu | ʁasu-ʁasunu | ɣa'su | ʁasu | ɣɑsun | |
woman | *anum | -anum | |||||
canoe | *jawun | za'vun | zɑvun | ||||
*aCe | aCe | aCe | aCe | aCe | aCe | aCe | |
saliva/spittle | *kase | kasi (?) | kasĕ | kʌsĕ | |||
man | *anem | -anem | -ɑnem | ||||
banana | *napet | napĕtĕ | napĕtĕ | napet | napĕt | nepet ≈ nʌpet | nĕpĕt |
*aCo | aCo | aCo | aCo | aCo | aCo | ? | |
leech | *naŋgo(i) | nɑŋgɔⁱ | |||||
dog | *gaɣo | ŋgaɣɔ | gaɣɔ | ga'ɣo | gaɣ (?) | gɑɣo | |
bee/fly | *ŋgambo | ŋgambo | ŋgambo | ŋɣɑmb(o-) |
Similarly, /*a/ may be be preceded by any vowel:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*iCa | iCe (?) | iCa | iCa | iCa | iCa | iCa | |
back/spine | *jita | zita | zita | zita | tsita | ||
sugarcane | *fimak | fimɛqa (?) | fimɑqa | fi'maq | pfimæk | fimɑq | fimɑq |
*iCiCa | iCiCa | iCiCa | iCiCa | ||||
three | *misika | misika | misika | miʃka | |||
*uCa | uCa | uCa | oCa (?) | uCa | uCa | uCa | |
fence/wall | *uta | uta | uta | uta | utɑ | uta | |
old woman | *puka | puka | puka | po'ka (?) | puka | puka | |
*eCa | eCa | eCa | eCa | eCa | eCa | eCa | |
meat | *sewa | sava- (?) | sɛ'vɛ (?) | sɛva | sava- (?) | sɛva- | |
hand/foot | *jenda | zɛnda | zɛnda | zinda (?) | zɛnda | zendɑ | zɛnda |
fat/grease | *enaɣ | ĕnaɣa | ĕnaɣa | e'naɣ | ĕnaɣ | ĕnɑq | |
*oCa | oCa | oCa | oCa | oCa | oCa | ||
sick/ill | *ŋgosa | ŋgɔsa | ŋgɔsa | ŋɢosa-gi | |||
fish | *joŋga | dzɔŋga | zɔŋga | zoŋgʌ | zɔŋga |
Observed vowel sequences include /*ia *ui *ua *ea *oi *ou *oa *ai *aia *au *aua *ae/.
The sequence /*ia/ is retained as such in all descendants:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*ia | ia | ia | ia | ia | ia | ea (?) | |
taro | *k[a]okia | qɔkia | qɔkia | qaw'qja | qɔkia | qokiɑ | qɔkea (?) |
The sequence /*ui/ is merged with /u/ in Zimakani:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*ui | u | u | ? | ai (?) | ? | ui | |
feather | *kawui | qavu | kavu | qɑvɑⁱ (?) | qɑvuⁱ |
The sequence /*ua/ may be heard as [wa]. It is retained as such in all descendants:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*ua | ua [ua ᵘa] | ? | ua [wa] | ua [ᵘa] | ua [wa] | ua [ᵘa] | |
coconut | *uaŋgat | ᵘɑŋgata | wɑŋɣɑt | ᵘɑŋgɑt | |||
breadfruit | *ɣajua | ɣɑzua | ɣaz'wa | ʁɑzᵘa |
The sequence /*ea/ is merged with /e/ in Zimakani and is sometimes simplified to /a/ in Kuni (q.v. Fumey 2007: 12):
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*ea | e [ɛ] | e [ɛ] | ? | ea [ea æa] | ea [eɑ ɑ] | ea [eɑ ɛ ɑ] | |
singular m. | *-eam | -ɛme | -ɛme | -ea | -eɑm ≈ -ɑm | -ɛm≈-eɑm≈-ɑm | |
tongue | *naseam | nasɛme | nɛsɛme | nasæa:me | nɑsɑm |
The sequences /*oi/ is retained as such in Zimakani and in Drabbe's Boazi:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*oi | oi | oi | oi | i (?) | ? | ? | |
black | *pois | pɔⁱ-nu | pɔⁱ-nu | pojs | |||
elbow | *kafoi | kɑfɔⁱ-kɑfɔⁱ | qɑfɔⁱ-qɑfɔⁱ | kɑfi-kɑfi (?) |
The sequence /*ou/ is retained as such in all descendants. It is conceivable that it is underlyingly identical with /*au/ (below) which overlaps its range:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*ou | ou [oᵘ ɔᵘ] | ou [oᵘ ɔᵘ] | ou [ou ow] | ou [oᵘ] | ou [oᵘ] | ou [oᵘ] | |
sago | *dou | lɔᵘ | lɔᵘ | dow | doᵘ | loᵘ | doᵘ |
blood | *kouk | qoᵘku | qoᵘku | 'kouk | koᵘk | koᵘk |
The sequence /*oa/ is merged with /o/ in Kuni:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*oa | oa [ᵓa] | oa [ᵓa] | oa [ʷo] | oa [ɔa] | o | o [ɔ] | |
one | *koapo | kᵓapɔ-ma | kᵓapɔ-ma | kʷopu | kɔapɔ | kopo | kɔpɔ |
In the sequences /*ai/ and /*aia/, the first /a/ is often fronted to [e ɛ]. There is no discernable pattern which might justify a distinction between /*ai *aia/ and /*ei *eia/:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*ai | ai [ɑⁱ ĕⁱ] | ai [ɑⁱ eⁱ] | ai [aj ɛj] | ai [ɑⁱ] | ai [ʌⁱ eⁱ] | ai [ɑⁱ] | |
bow | *faif | pfɑⁱfa | pfɑⁱfa | fɛjf | pfɑⁱ | fʌⁱf | fɑⁱf |
smoke/fog | *kaifa | qĕⁱfa ≈ kxĕⁱfa | qɑⁱfa | qaj'fa | qɑⁱfa | qʌⁱfɑ | qɑⁱfa |
earth/ground | *maŋgai | mɑŋgĕⁱ | mɑŋgeⁱ | mɑŋgɑⁱ | mɑŋɣeⁱ | mɑŋgɑⁱ | |
*aia | aia [ɑⁱa eⁱa] | aia [ɑⁱa eⁱa] | aia [aja] | ? | ? | aia [ɑⁱa] | |
water | *naia | neⁱa | neⁱa | na'ja | |||
sun/sky | *kaia | kɑⁱa ≈ qɑia | kɑⁱa ≈ qɑia | qɑⁱa | |||
urine | *ŋgaia | ŋgɑⁱa | ŋɢa'ja | ŋgɑⁱa |
One example suggests that the sequence /*au/ is merged with /*ou/ in Kuni-Boazi; however, due to the similar dispositions of /*ai *aia/ (above) as well as those of /*aua/, this is considered here to be secondary:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*au | au [ɑu] | au [ɑu] | au [ow] | au [ɔᵘ] | au [oᵘ] | au [ɔᵘ] | |
cassowary | *kaus | kɑu | qɑu | qows | qɔᵘs | qoᵘs | qɔᵘs |
*aua | aua [awa aᵘ] | aua [awa aᵘ] | aua [awa owa] | aua [awa aᵘa] | aua [ɑᵒ oɑ] | aua [aᵘa ɔɑ] | |
give | *taua | tawa | tawa | e-to'wa-m | e-tawa-m | e-toɑ-m | e-tɔɑ-m |
man/male | *daua | laᵘ | laᵘ | lawa | daᵘa | lɑᵒ | laᵘa |
The sequence /*ae/ is retained as such in all descendants:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*ae | ae [ae ɑⁱ] | ae | ae [ae e] | ae | ae [ɑᵉ ɛ:] | ae [ae ɑi ɑⁱ] | |
fire/tree | *tae | tae | tae | 'tae ≈ te | tɑᵉ | tae ≈ tɑi | |
rain/river | *ɣae | ʁae | ʁae | ɣae | ʁae | ɣɛ: | ʁɑⁱa |
Any vowel sequence can be preceded or followed by low central /*a/:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*aCai | aCai | aCai | ? | aCai | aCai | aCai | |
earth/ground | *maŋgai | mɑŋgĕⁱ | mɑŋgeⁱ | mɑŋgɑⁱ | mɑŋɣeⁱ | mɑŋgɑⁱ | |
*aCui | aCu | aCu | ? | aCai (?) | ? | aCui | |
feather | *kawui | qavu | kavu | qɑvɑⁱ | qɑvuⁱ | ||
*aCua | aCua | ? | aCua | aCua | ? | ? | |
breadfruit | *ɣajua | ɣɑzua | ɣaz'wa | ʁɑzᵘa | |||
*aCea | aCe | aCe | ? | aCea | aCea | ? | |
tongue | *naseam | nasɛme | nɛsɛme | nasæa:me | nɑsɑm | ||
*aCoi | aCoi | aCoi | ? | aCi (?) | ? | ? | |
elbow | *kafoi | kɑfɔⁱ-kɑfɔⁱ | qɑfɔⁱ-qɑfɔⁱ | kɑfi-kɑfi | |||
*aiCa | aiCa | aiCa | aiCa | aiCa | aiCa | aiCa | |
smoke/fog | *kaifa | qĕⁱfa ≈ kxĕⁱfa | qɑⁱfa | qaj'fa | qɑⁱfa | qʌⁱfɑ | qɑⁱfa |
*uaCa | uaCa | ? | ? | ? | uaCa | uaCa | |
coconut | *uaŋgat | ᵘɑŋgata | wɑŋɣɑt | ᵘɑŋgɑt |
One sequence is followed by /*o/:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
*oaCo | oaCo | oaCo | uoCu (?) | oaCo | oCo | oCo | |
one | *koapo | kᵓapɔ-ma | kᵓapɔ-ma | kʷopu (?) | kɔapɔ | kopo | kɔpɔ |
Gender ablaut
[under construction]
…:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | ||
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | |||
*e/*u/*i | ||||||||
man | *anem | -anem | -ɑnem | |||||
woman | *anum | -anum | ||||||
people | *anim | anim | -anim | -ɑnim | ||||
father | *we | (e-)ve | ve | e-ve | e-ve | |||
mother | *wu | e-vu | -vu | vo | e-vo | e-vᵘ |
Pronouns
Lake Murray free pronouns are reconstructed as follows,with Zimakani, Begua, South Boazi and Kuini attestations drawn from Voorhoeve (1970: 7-14), Boazi from Drabbe (1954: 119, 142) and Kuni from Fumey (2007.) Voorhoeve's transcriptions are phonetic; Drabbe's and Fumey's are phonemic:
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
1 sg. | *no[k] | nɔqɔ | nɔqɔ | no | no | no | no |
2 sg. | *ɣo[k] | ʁɔqɔ | ʁɔqɔ | ɣo | ɣo | ɣo | ɣo |
1 pl. | *ni[k] | niki | niki | ni | ni | ni | ? |
2 pl. | *jo[k] | zɔqɔ | zɔqɔ | zu | zo | zo | zo |
The third persons are indicated by demonstratives, the bases of which are equal to the postposed vowels which induce gender ablaut (above):
Lake Murray | Zimakani | Begua | Boazi | South Boazi | Kuni | Kuini | |
Voorhoeve | Voorhoeve | Drabbe | Voorhoeve | Fumey | Voorhoeve | ||
3 sg. m. | *e | ɛgiæ | ɛziɛ | ndene | ndene | ndene | |
3 sg. f. | *u | ᵘ-aʁa | ᵘ-aʁa | ndunu | ndunu | ndunu | |
3 pl. | *i | ⁱ-aʁa | ⁱ-aʁa | ndini | ndini | ndinɪ |