Bulaka River

Timothy Usher, Santa Fe Institute

Publication


Timothy Usher 2014. “Bulaka River Consonants”. Journal of Language Relationship 12: 31-50.

Situation

The Bulaka River language family consists of two closely-related languages, Yelmek and Maklew, spoken to the east of Marianne Strait, across from Kolopom (Frederik Hendrik) island, in the Merauke district of Indonesia's Papua province. Drabbe (1950: 549) counted 350 speakers of Yelmek in four villages, Yelwayab on the Wanam River, from which his material was collected, Woboyu, Dudaling and Bibikem, and 120 speakers of Maklew in a single village on the Welbuti River, a tributary of the Bulaka (q.v. Boelaars 1950: 19, 25.) More recent figures from the Summer Institute of Linguistics give a Welbuti population of 226 (Lebold, Kriens and de Vries 2010: 8.)

Like other languages of the Marianne Strait region, both Yelmek and Maklew have been significantly influenced by the unrelated Marind language, the intrusion of which from the north separates them from the Morehead River languages near the Papuan border (Nevermann 1952 ibid.) Maklew in particular has coparticipated in a number of sound changes characteristic of Marind dialects. A smaller amount of more basic vocabulary is shared with the equally unrelated Kolopom family to the west (q.v. Geurtjens 1933: 198-433, Greenberg 1971: 830-833.) There is no trace of either Asmat or Awyu influence.

Sources

Geurtjens (1933: 398-433) 455 comparative terms for of Jab(sch)

Drabbe (1950) grammar and (pp. 566-574) 422 comparative terms for Jélmèk and Makléw

Boelaars (1950: 19-28) English language recension of Drabbe (1950) grammars

Voorhoeve (1975: 95) 40 comparative terms for Yelmek and Maklew following Drabbe (1950)

Nevermann (1952) language notes (pp. 81-82) up to 90 comparative terms for Jab(ga) of Bibikem and Imbáke villages, Galum (Nggarum) of Wobui and Dudalem villages, Dib(ga) of Dib village, Ilwajab village, and Makleu(ga) of Welbuti village

Lebold, Kriens and de Vries (2010: 46-52) 239 comparative terms for Maklew of Welbuti

History of classification

The first to document Maklew, and hence to recognize its close relationship to Yelmek, was Drabbe (1950.) For the broader region, Drabbe (p. 548) draws a typological distinction between languages with suffixes (Paniai Lakes, Asmat-Kamoro, Central Digul and Mombum,) those with prefixes (Marind-Yaqay,) those with both (Yei, Kanum, Moroari and Bulaka River,) and those with neither (insular Kolopom.)

Voorhoeve (1968: 8-9,) measuring a 58% lexicostastical resemblance between Yelmek and Maklew, includes Bulaka River as a stock-level family among five first-order subgroups of his proposed South and Central New Guinea Phylum, alongside Kolopom, Yey-Kanum-Moraori, Morehead River, and the South and Central New Guinea Stock itself. This placement was based upon lexicostatistical figures of 9% between Yelmek and the Gawir dialect of Marind and 8% between Yelmek and Yaqay. There could hardly be worse choices for evaluating Bulaka River's relationship to the family which would be expanded to form Trans-New Guinea, as both Yelmek and Maklew are full of Marind loans, while Yaqay-Warkay is Marind's nearest relative.

Wurm (1971a: 574-577) reiterates Voorhoeve's classification and figures under the name Central and South New Guinea Phylum, to which Agöb (Pahoturi River) is added. In addition to Voorhoeve's evidence, he provides a list of typological features said to characterize the phylum (pp. 581-582,) but these show almost no intersection with those of Bulaka River.

Wurm (1971b: 166) is more specific, suggesting a special relationship between Bulaka River and Trans-Fly upon the basis of an average 9% lexical similarity and, citing Boelaars (1950,) shared morphemes and typological traits, though which ones he finds probative aren't specified. No such relationship is asserted in Wurm ed. (1975: 357,) in which Bulaka River is listed as a subphylum-level family, related to the Trans-Fly phylum level stock only at the Trans-New Guinea level, but the Trans-Fly-Bulaka River suphylum level superstock is reasserted in Wurm (1982: 179-180.) This would then make its way into derivative woks such as Ruhlen (1987: 358) and versions of the Ethnologue (Grimes 2000: 721,) becoming the default classification by a small number of high-profile repetitions.

Greenberg (1971: 829-830) includes Bulaka River in his Jei subfamily of South New Guinea. an unfortunate collection of a number of nearby but unrelated languages including most of those presented in Geurtjens (1933) and Nevermann (1939): Yei, Kanum and Arammba, Kolopom, South Marianne Strait and Bulaka River. South New Guinea as a whole, the outlines of which are broadly similar to Wurm's Trans Fly-Bulaka River, is supported by 70 comparisons, most of which don't involve Bulaka River.

Pawley, Ross and Osmond (2005: 24-26) propose a South-Central Papuan family including Yelmek-Maklew, Morehead-Upper Maro and Pahoturi, recapitulating the westernmost portions of Wurm's Trans-Fly-Bulaka River, based upon comparison of reconstructed personal pronouns.

Historical phonology

Proto-Bulaka River had as many as 16 consonants and probably 6 vowels as follows:

*m *n
*p *t *c *k
*b *d *g
*w *l *j
*i *u
*e *o
*a

The consonant system is formally symmetrical, if we allow that /*w *l *j *ɣ/ form a series of non-stops as is found in (for example) Guhu-Oro. Fricative /*s/ is found only in loans. Phonemic velar nasal /*ŋ/ is very common, yielding /ŋ/ in both Yelmek and Maklew. Palatal stops /*c *ɟ/ and voiced velar non-stop /*ɣ/ are relatively rare, as is, somewhat suprisingly, apical nasal /*n/. Palatal nasal /*ɲ/ is supported by only one example.

We tentatively assume Drabbe's qualities [e ɛ ə] and [o ɔ ə] to be allophones of two mid vowels /*e *o/, in the absence of clear and recurring patterns to the contrary, and the general sense that Drabbe reflexively draws these contrasts in most languages he described, giving the impression of a standardized phonetic rather than phonemic transcription. Geurtjens' transcriptions are less reliable, but show no pattern of agreeing with Drabbe's distinctions and often contradict them.

Consonants correspond as follows:

Bulaka Yelmek Maklew
*m m m
*n n n
n ŋ
ŋ ŋ
*p p p
*t t t
*c t k
*k k k
*b b b
*d d d
d g
*g g g
*w w h
*l l l
*j j s
ŋ h
[*s] t s

These correspondences are exemplified as follows, with attestations drawn from Drabbe (1950: 566-574, ibid.) Geurtjens (1933: 398-422) and Lebold, Kriens and de Vries (2010: 46-52.)


Bilabial nasal /*m/ is retained as such in all descendants, and is found in all positions:

Bulaka River Jélmèk Jab Makléw Maklew
Drabbe GeurtjensDrabbe Lebold et al.
*m- m m m m
coconut *mi[o] mia mia 'mio 'mijɔ
pig *milom milom milom milom 'milɔm
sit *me[n/d] mən mæn med məd
crooked/turn*meŋ mɛmɛŋ meŋ mɛŋ
rib *mel mɛl məl
lightning *melVm mɛlm merm melm
negative *ma ma-(w) ma-w ma(-ko) 'ma-kɔ
wing *mama mama mama 'mama
blunt/dull *map kəl-map kəl-map
stone *mat[e] mata: mate 'matɛ 'mətə
rain *maŋ maŋ maŋ maŋ maŋ
break (wood)*maɣe maŋe- -ŋo-mhe- (intr.)
lime/white *mVlino malino 'mujno 'mujnɔ
breast *momo momo momo momo mɔmɔ
fence *molo mol molo mo'lo-go mɔ'lɔ-gu
penis *mu mu mu
fly (v.) *mu mu- -mu- -mu
sole *mulo mulo mulo
taro *muj muj mus mus
*-m- m m m m
canoe *imo imo imo imo 'imɔ
3 pl. *em[el] em imel imlɛb
straight *amom amom 'ammo'gola
break (rope)*[a]ŋeme ŋemɛ- -aŋeme-
sun/sky *[a/o]limu alemu alim 'olimu 'ɔlimu
1 sg. past *-oma -ama -oma
mountain *uomal womal 'wɔmal
wing *mama mama mama 'mama
breast *momo momo momo momo mɔmɔ
fruit *noma noma noma
short *t[e]m[e] təmək tammak təmaŋ 'təmə
hot/sharp *dimo dəmo dimo 'dimɔ
path *came tamɛ: 'kame
run/run away*jeme je:me: sɛmɛ
good/true *ŋeme ŋəmək namiŋke: ŋəməŋ≈ŋɛməŋ ŋəməŋ
earthquake *ŋ[a/o]ɣum[o]ŋaŋumo -ŋohum-
tame/orphan *ŋomo ŋomo ŋomoŋ
snake *gumolo gumolo 'gumolo gu'mɔlɔ
*-m m m m m
mucus *em ɛm-dɛ e:n-die em-de
straight *amom amom 'ammo'gola
pig *milom milom milom milom 'milɔm
lightning *melVm mɛlm merm melm
sugarcane *belVm bələm beləm mbɛlym
dog *num num num
fish *dem dəm dəm dem dəm
deep *dam dam dam
cry/weep *ŋom ŋom- -ŋom-

Apical /*n/ is retained as such in all descendants. It has not been found to occur finally:

Bulaka RiverJélmèkJab Makléw Maklew
DrabbeGeurtjens Drabbe Lebold et al.
*n- n n n n
tongue *nepla naplɛ napla nepla nɛpla
fruit *noma noma noma
dog *num num num
*-n- n n n n
coconut shell*apina apina apina
torch *ual[e]no waleno wajno
lime/white *mVlino malino 'mujno 'mujnɔ
louse *dobuna dobna domla [sic]'dobunadɔ'buna
older sibling*ɲena nana ŋena ɲɛna
ant *kani[a/e] kania 'kənjɛ

The scarcity of /*n/ relative to peropheral nasals /*m/ (above) and /*ŋ/ (below) suggests that a pre-Bulaka River /*n/ has become something else in most or all instances, a possibility to be borne in mind when comparing Bulaka River to other New Guinean families.

The existence of a palatal nasal /*ɲ/ is supported by only one known example, in which is is found initially. We tentatively reconstruct /*ɲ/ here by analogy to the dispositions of palatal stops /*c *ɟ/ (below,) and our skepticism of its originality applies equally here. Lebold, Kriens and de Vries give Maklew [ɲ] to Drabbe's [ŋ]:

Bulaka RiverJélmèkJab MakléwMaklew
DrabbeGeurtjensDrabbeLebold et al.
*ɲ- n ŋ ɲ
older sibling*ɲena nana ŋena ɲɛna

Velar nasal /*ŋ/ is retained as such in all descendants, and is found in all positions:

Bulaka River JélmèkJab Makléw Maklew
DrabbeGeurtjensDrabbe Lebold et al.
*ŋ- ŋ ŋ ŋ ŋ
good/true *ŋeme ŋəmək namiŋke: ŋəməŋ≈ŋɛməŋŋəməŋ
ripe *ŋewe ŋewe: -ŋehe-
1 sg. *ŋ[e]l ŋəl ŋal ŋəllo 'ŋəlɔ
new *ŋeluo ŋəlwokŋolwok 'ŋɛlwoŋ 'ŋəluwɔŋ
dream *ŋeɣe ŋɛŋɛɛ- -ŋehe-
be (future) *ŋaiak ŋajak- -ŋajk-
name *ŋaɟel[e] nadəl nade:l ŋeŋele ŋə'gɛlɛ
1 pl. *ŋag ŋag ŋag ŋag
earthquake *ŋ[a/o]ɣum[o]ŋaŋumo -ŋohum-
intr. on “break”*ŋo- ŋo- ŋo-
cry/weep *ŋom ŋom- -ŋom-
tame/orphan *ŋomo ŋomo ŋomoŋ
now/today *ŋop[i] ŋop-ma ŋopi'nalma
cough/sneeze *ŋot[o] ŋot- -ŋoto-
laugh *ŋuw ŋu- -ŋuh-
person *ŋuwa nəwwa ŋuha
one *ŋuka ŋklalaukala -ŋuka
*-ŋ- ŋ ŋ ŋ ŋ
hear *[i]ŋe iŋe- iŋe:we: -eŋ-
spine *ieŋo dʲəŋo jeŋo
drink/suck *[a]ŋ[e] ŋe- j-aŋu aŋ- ɛŋuwɛ
break (rope) *[a]ŋeme ŋemɛ- -aŋeme-
urine *oŋo oŋo oŋo oŋo ɔŋɔ
*-ŋ ŋ ŋ ŋ ŋ
child/offspring *iaŋ jaŋ jak [sic]jaŋ jaŋ
crooked/turn *meŋ mɛmɛŋ meŋ mɛŋ
rain *maŋ maŋ maŋ maŋ maŋ
upright *daŋ daŋ daŋ

Bilabial voiceless stop /*p/ is retained as such in all descendants, and is found in all positions:

Bulaka River Jélmèk Jab Makléw Maklew
Drabbe GeurtjensDrabbe Lebold et al.
*p- p p p p
feather *p[ə]p[ə] pəpə pəp pypypy
suffix on adj.*-pa -pa -paŋ -paŋ
light (weight)*popu popu popok 'popuŋ
old (thing) *poto potok 'potoŋ 'pɔtɔŋ
bone/shin *pu pu pu pu pu
hit/smash *pliaɣ plaŋ- pliage: -piah- ≈ -pjaha-
*-p- p p p p
bitter *ipa ipa ipa
net *apija apia epia apsa
wait *[a]lpo lpo- -alpo-
grab/hold *[a]ɣep[e] aŋep- -hepe- (dur.)
eye/face *opo opo opo opo ɔpɔ
ear *opo-kolo opoklo 'opklo ɔpklɔ
sleep *opula oplə o'pula ɔ'pula
feather *p[ə]p[ə] pəpə pəp pypypy
tongue *nepla naplɛ napla nepla nɛpla
long *tipu tipuk tipo tipu tipu
thigh *c[ə]pe tepe: kpe
steal *ɟepe de:pe: gepe
now/today *ŋopi ŋop-ma ŋopi'nalma
wife *kepi[ŋ/ɣ][e] keipiŋe: kepihe kɛ'piŋɔ
*-p p p p p
3 sg. future *-p -p -p
leaf *op op op op-op 'ɔp-up
blunt/dull *map kəl-map kəl-map

Apical voiceless stop /*t/ is retained as such in all descendants. It is less common than peripheral stops /*p/ (above) and /*k/ (below.) Like apicals /*n/ (above) and /*d/ (below,) it has not been found to occur finally:

Bulaka RiverJélmèkJab MakléwMaklew
DrabbeGeurtjensDrabbeLebold et al.
*t- t t t t
long *tipu tipuk tipo tipu tipu
short *t[e]m[e] təmək tammak təmaŋ 'təməŋ
shoot *to to- -to- -tɔ
*-t- t t t t
stone *mat[e] mata mate: 'matɛ 'mətə
old (thing) *poto potok 'potoŋ'pɔtɔŋ
ankle *boto boto boto boto
small *wVti wotək watək hitiŋ 'hitiŋ
cough/sneeze*ŋot[o] ŋot- -ŋoto-

Velar voiceless stop /*k/ is retained as such in all descendants:

Bulaka River JélmèkJab Makléw Maklew
DrabbeGeurtjens Drabbe Lebold et al.
*k- k k k k
wife *kepi[ŋ/ɣ][e] keipiŋe: kepihe kɛ'piŋɔ
ashes *keb kəb kabə kɛb kəb
tooth *kel kəl kel kəl kəl
hard *kekeie kəke ke:ke:jɛ kəkɛ'jɛ
1 sg. future *-ka -ka -ka
ant *kani[a/e] kania 'kənjɛ
branch *k[a]ka kəka kaka kəka
grandparent *kaga kaga kaga kaga kaga
dig *k[o]uak kowak -kwak- -kwak
hole *kolo kolo kalo ≈ -klokəllo ≈ -klo-klɔ
lie down/sleep*ku ku- -ku-
enemy *kui kuj kuj
*-k- k k k k
blood *ewlek[e] ɛlwekeelwe:ke: ehlel [sic] ɛhlɛk
banana *okal akal a:kal okal 'ɔkəl
testicle *oko oko oko
knowledge *uowka wokwanwokwan 'wohka 'wɔhkaŋ
go up *ukal ukal- -ukal-
sago stems *buka buka byka
breath *waku waku haku
wallaby *doki doki dokɛ doki 'dɔki
breadfruit *joko joko jewoka soko 'sɔkɔ
one *ŋuka ŋklalaukala -ŋuka
branch *k[a]ka kəka kaka kəka
*-k k k k k
be (future) *ŋaiak ŋajak- -ŋajk-
dig *k[o]uak kowak -kwak- -kwak

Bilabial voiced stop /*b/ is retained as such in all descendants, and is found in all positions. Initially, it is occasionally realized as prenasalized [mb]:

Bulaka RiverJélmèk Jab Makléw Maklew
Drabbe Geurtjens Drabbe Lebold et al.
*b- b [b mb] b b [b mb]b
bamboo *biol biol boil 'biol 'bijɔl
throat *bila bila 'bila
sugarcane *belVm bələm beləm mbɛlym
big *bala mbalak balaŋ 'balaŋ
widow *boi boj-a [< boi-jua] mboj
ankle *boto boto boto boto
sago stems *buka buka byka
*-b- b b b b
stone axe *iebu jebu e:pl [sic] ibu
house *ebi ebi e:bi ebi 'ɛbi
husband *ebVwe e:baiwəb ebohe ɛ'bɔbɛ
see *[a]b[e] bɛe -aba-
sour *[a]bowol abol 'obohol
younger sibling*uobia wobia 'wobia wɔbja
louse *dobuna dobna domla [sic]'dobuna dɔ'buna
*-b b b b b
3 sg. *eb ew (?) ib ib 'ibak̚
ashes *keb kəb kabə kɛb kəb

Apical voiced stop /*d/ is retained as such in all descendants. Like apicals /*n *t/ (above.) it has not been found to occur finally.:

Bulaka RiverJélmèkJab Makléw Maklew
DrabbeGeurtjensDrabbe Lebold et al.
*d- d d d d
hot/sharp *dimo dəmo dimo 'dimɔ
excrement *de de: de
fish *dem dəm dəm dem dəm
rope *del del del
deep *dam dam dam
upright *daŋ daŋ daŋ
tree/wood *doio dojo dojo dojo 'dɔjɔ
louse *dobuna dobna domla 'dobunadɔ'buna
wallaby *doki doki dokɛ doki 'dɔki
ill *dogo dogwo dogo dogo
*-d- d d d d
foot//leg*uodo wodo wodo wodo wɔdɔ

Velar voiced stop /*g/ is retained as such in all descendants, and is found in all positions:

Bulaka RiverJélmèk Jab Makléw Maklew
Drabbe GeurtjensDrabbe Lebold et al.
*g- g g g g
excrement *gauo gaw 'gawo gawɔ
speech *gaga gaga gaga gaga
bush/forest *golu golu golu goloa 'gulu ≈ golu
snake *gumolo gumolo 'gumologu'mɔlɔ
kill *gul gul- -gul- -gul
*-g- g g g g
thumb/big toe*ege egek-nek egeŋ
body/chest *ag[e]l agəl agl-
sick/ill *dogo dogwo dogo dogo
grandparent *kaga kaga kaga kaga kaga
speech *gaga gaga gaga gaga
ask about *lig lig- -lig-
*-g g g g g
soft/weak *ieg(-ieg) jeg jegia 'igijig
1 pl. *ŋag ŋag ŋag ŋag

The qualities of the protosounds shown here are /*c *ɟ/ may not be possible to determine. We tentatively designate them as palatal stops, because they yield apicals /t d/ in Yelmek and velars /k g/ in Maklew, and do not appear to be conditioned reflexes of /*t *d/ or /*k *g/. Neither is common, but /*ɟ/ is less common than /*c/, a distributional pattern similar to /*k *g/:

Bulaka RiverJélmèkJab MakléwMaklew
DrabbeGeurtjensDrabbeLebold et al.
*c- t t k k
swim *ce -ke- -kɛ
thigh *cepe tepe: kpe
path *came tamɛ: 'kame
forehead*cule tule 'kule
*-c- t t k k
fire *ace ete e:te: ake 'ake
smoke *acaja ataja 'akasaa'kasa

… /*ɟ/ …:

Bulaka RiverJélmèkJab Makléw Maklew
DrabbeGeurtjensDrabbe Lebold et al.
*ɟ- d d g g
steal *ɟepe de:pe: gepe
dark/black*ɟewi dewi de:wi gehile gɛhilɛ
*-ɟ- d d g g
name *ŋaɟel[e] nadəl nade:l ŋeŋele [sic]ŋə'gɛlɛ

It's striking that of nine examples, six are followed by /*e/, seven if one considers “smoke” to reflect /*ace aja/ as it likely does. This strongly suggests that there was originally a vocalic component to these sounds, indicating perhaps /*tiV *diV/ or /*kiV *giV/, neither of which, despite the frequency of sequential /*iV/, is otherwise yet known to occur. Nor are there any known examples of /*itV *ikV/, leaving many segments which /*c *ɟ/ could reasonably be thought to really be, but with no way of deciding between them.

Lateral /*l/ is preserved in all descendants. It does not occur root-initially, except on a few verbs which are prefixed in both Yelmek and Maklew:

Bulaka RiverJélmèk Jab Makléw Maklew
Drabbe Geurtjens Drabbe Lebold et al.
*-l- l l l l
ask for *-liw -li- -lihe-
ask about *-lig -lig- -lig-
plant (v.) *[e]ule wle- -ɛwle-
blood *ewlek[e] ɛlweke elwe:ke: ehlel ɛhlɛk
2 pl. *ale ɛl ale-
wait *[a]lpo lpo- -alpo-
sun/sky *[a/o]limu alemu alim 'olimu 'ɔlimu
sleep *opula oplə o'pula ɔ'pula
back *uele wele welely
beach *uelo wolowio wɛlɔwɛlɔ
fly (n.) *uoli woli wuli
pig *milom milom milom milom 'milɔm
lightning *melVm mɛlm merm melm
fence *molo mol molo mo'lo-go mɔ'lɔ-gu
sole *mulo mulo mulo
throat *bila bila 'bila
sugarcane *belVm bələm beləm mbɛlym
big *bala mbalak balaŋ 'balaŋ
saliva *wVlo wulo wulo hallo
tongue *nepla naplɛ napla nepla nɛpla
forehead *cule tule 'kule
bathe *jale jælæ sale
bandicoot *jowoli joli 'sowoli sɔ'hɔli
new *ŋeluo ŋəlwok ŋolwok 'ŋɛlwoŋ 'ŋəluwɔŋ
name *ŋaɟel[e] nadəl nade:l ŋeŋele ŋə'gɛlɛ
hole *kolo kolo kalo ≈ -klokəllo ≈ -klo-klɔ
bush/forest*golu golu golu goloa 'gulu ≈ golu
snake *gumolo gumolo 'gumolo gu'mɔlɔ
*-l l l l l
oblique *-el ≈ *-ol -el ≈ -ol -el ≈ -ol
sour *abowol abol 'obohol
banana *okal akal a:kal okal 'ɔkəl
body/chest *ag[e]l agəl agl-
mountain *uomal womal 'womal
go up *ukal ukal- -ukal-
rib *mel mɛl məl
bamboo *biol biol boil 'biol 'bijɔl
rope *del del del
1 sg. *ŋ[e]l ŋəl ŋal ŋəllo 'ŋəlɔ
tooth *kel kəl kel kəl kəl
kill *gul gul- -gul- -gul

Maklew drops medial /*l/ from some clusters:

Bulaka RiverJélmèkJab MakléwMaklew
DrabbeGeurtjensDrabbeLebold et al.
*l/_C l l ø ø
torch *ual[e]no waleno wajno
lime/white*mVlino malino 'mujno'mujnɔ
*l/C_ l l ø ø
hit/smash *pliaɣ plaŋ- pliage -piah-

While not directly attested in either Yelmek or Maklew, a voiced velar fricative /*ɣ/ is reconstructed to account for a correspondence in which Drabbe's Yelmek /ŋ/ is answered by Maklew /h/, rather than by /ŋ/, the aspiration and deocclusion of /*ɣ/ being shared with Marind's central dialects (q.v. Drabbe 1933: 14.) This is further supported by Guertjen's Jab [g], distinct from the reflexes of /*ŋ/ (above):

Bulaka River Jélmèk Jab Makléw Maklew
Drabbe GeurtjensDrabbe Lebold et al.
ŋ g h h
be hungry *ɣi ŋal-ŋi-p -hi-
plait *ɣo ŋo- -ho-
cold *ioɣ[a] jogow joha 'jɔha
hold *[a]ɣep[e] aŋep- -hepe- (dur.)
break (wood)*maɣe maŋe- -ŋo-mhe- (intr.)
dream *ŋeɣe ŋɛŋɛɛ- -ŋehe-
earthquake *ŋ[a/o]ɣum[o]ŋaŋumo -ŋohum-
hit/smash *pliaɣ plaŋ- pliage: -piah-

A direct indication of equivalance to the Marind sound is found in this loan:

Marind Makléw
Drabbe
*ɣ-h
beard*ɣas has

As in Marind, glides /*w *j/ are distinguished from sequential vowels /*u *i/ by stridency, with the former but not the latter fricated to /h s/ in Maklew, merging with the reflexes of /*ɣ *s/. For whatever reason, /*w/ is much more common than /*j/:

Bulaka RiverJélmèkJab Makléw Maklew
DrabbeGeurtjensDrabbe Lebold et al.
*j- j j s s
run/run away*jeme je:me: 'sɛmɛ
bathe *jale jælæ sale
breadfruit *joko joko jewoka soko 'sɔkɔ
bandicoot *jowoli joli 'sowolisɔ'hɔli
*-j- j j s s
net *apija apia epia apsa
smoke *acaja ataja 'akasa a'kasa
*-j j j s s
taro *muj muj mus mus

… /*w/ …:

Bulaka RiverJélmèkJab Makléw Maklew
DrabbeGeurtjensDrabbe Lebold et al.
*w- w w h h
voice *wai[a] waja haj
breath *waku waku haku
small *wVti wotək watək hitiŋ 'hitiŋ
saliva *wVlo wulo wulo hallo
*-w- w w h h
woman/female*iowa jua juwa ajɔhaŋ
husband *ebVwe e:baiwəb ebohe ɛ'bɔbɛ [sic]
blood *ewlek[e] ɛlwekeelwe:ke: ehlel ɛhlɛk
sour *[a]bowol abol 'obohol
cassowary *owi owi owi ohi 'ɔhi
(day)light *owo owo owo oho
knowledge *uowka wokwanwokwan 'wohka 'wɔhkaŋ
mouth/door *uwo wo wo 'uho uhɔ
dark/black *ɟewi dewi de:wi gehile gɛhilɛ
bandicoot *jowoli joli 'sowolisɔ'hɔli
ripe *ŋewe ŋewe: -ŋehe-
person *ŋuwa nəwwa ŋuha
wash *uw wu- -uh- -uh
ask for *liw li- -lihe-
laugh *ŋuw ŋu- -ŋuh-

Maklew's fortitions further develop changes shared with the West and Atih dialects of Marind, in which /*j *w/ yield /hʲ hʷ/ (q.v. Drabbe 1933: 14.) The equivalence to and coevolution with Marind qualities is evident in the behavior of loans therefrom:

Marind Jélmèk Jab Makléw Maklew
Drabbe GeurtjensDrabbe Lebold et al.
*j j [i] j [z] s
bow *mij mi miz 'mijɛs
*w w w [v]h h
think *wetok hetok
knife *sok(-wakra)tokwakəl soka'hakəlsɔka'hakəl
paddle *kawaia kawja kavia kahia 'kahja
*i i [i j]i i i
old woman*mes-iuag met(w)ago mɛs-iwag mɛsiwag
paddle *kawaia kawja kavia kahia 'kahja
*u u [w] u [w] u [w]
old woman*mes-iuag met(w)ago mɛs-iwag mɛsiwag

Sequential vowels /*i *u/ are not fricated:

Bulaka RiverJélmèk Jab Makléw Maklew
Drabbe Geurtjens Drabbe Lebold et al.
*i i [i j] i [i j]
stone axe *iebu jebu e:pl [sic] ibu
spine *ieŋo dʲəŋo jeŋo
soft/weak *ieg jeg jeg-ia 'igijig
imperative *ia- ja- ≈ j- ≈ i- ja-
crocodile *iaua[ŋ] eli-jawa jawəŋ 'jawuŋ
child/offspring*iaŋ jaŋ jak jaŋ jaŋ
cold *ioɣ… jogow joha 'jɔha
water *iu ju jy ju
woman *iowa jua juwa ajɔhaŋ
afraid *oio ojo 'ɔjɔ
younger sibling*uobia wobia 'wobia wɔbja
coconut *mi[a/o] mia mia mio 'mijɔ
hit/smash *pliaɣ plaŋ- pliage: -piah-
bamboo *biol biol boil 'biol 'bijɔl
voice *wai[a] waja haj
tree/wood *doio dojo dojo dojo 'dɔjɔ
be (future) *ŋaiak ŋajak- -ŋajk-
hard *kekeie kəke ke:ke:jɛ kəkɛ'jɛ
ant *kani[a/e] kania 'kənjɛ
night *ui wi wih wi wi
widow *boi boj-a [< boi-jua] mboj
enemy *kui kuj kuj
*u u [u w] u [u w]
night *ui wi wih wi wi
back *uele wele welely
neck *u[e][n/l] wəl wən
beach *uelo wolowio wɛlɔwɛlɔ
dry *ua wa uwaŋ uwa-
torch *ual[e]no waleno wajno
mountain *uomal womal 'womal
younger sibling*uobia wobia 'wobia wɔbja
foot//leg *uodo wodo wodo wodo wɔdɔ
kunai grass *uoka woŋga [sic]woka 'wɔka
fly (n.) *uoli woli wuli
knowledge *uowka wokwan wokwan 'wohka 'wɔhkaŋ
crocodile *iaua[ŋ] eri-jawa jawəŋ 'jawuŋ
plant (v.) *[e]ule wle- -ɛwle-
tendon *ouo owo owo
new *ŋeluo ŋəlwok ŋolwok 'ŋɛlwoŋ 'ŋəluwɔŋ
dig *k[o]uak kowak -kwak- -kwak
enemy *kui kuj kuj
excrement *gauo gaw 'gawo gawɔ
water *iu ju jy ju
2 sg. *au aw aw-

While high vowels may join sequences with any other vowel, sequences of two non-high vowels /*ea *eo *ae *ao *oe *oa/ do not occur. Where a non-high vowel is adjacent to a high vowel, the high vowel is usually perceived as a contour unless it immediately follows a consonant. When two high vowels are in sequence, the first is perceived as a contour unless it immediately follows a consonant. It might be remarked that this distribution and behavior is not unlike what would be expected in a system with glides and no vowel sequences, and we would have reconstructed /*j *w/ had these not already been assigned to the correspondences which yield aspirates /s h/ in Maklew and codevelop with their Marind equivalents. A reconstruction of fricatives /*ʝ *β/ alongside vocalic /*j *w/ would match our data equally well, but with formally more complicated inventories.

Fricative /*s/ is found only in loans, primarily from Marind, in which it is found in all positions. It is defricated to /t/ in Yelmek:

Marind Jélmèk Jab Makléw Maklew
Drabbe Geurtjens Drabbe Lebold et al.
*s t s [t s]s s
mourning band*soia toja
knife *sok(-wakra)tokwakəl soka'hakəlsɔka'hakəl
axe *imbasom batoni [sic] 'mbasom 'mbasɔm
sneeze *asi ati-ŋɛ ati-ŋje:
old woman *mes-iuag met(w)ago mɛs-iwag mɛsiwag
beard *ɣas has

This change is shared with Yaqay to the north, which likewise reflects Yaqay-Warkay /*s/ as /t/, and with Central Kolopom to the west, in which /*s/ is realized as [tʲ].

On a number of roots, Yelmek /k/ is answered by Maklew /ŋ/. In a few instances, one or the other of these is zero. Since this variation occurs only on items which are conceivably adjectives, and is otherwise irregular, we tentatively conclude it morphological in origin:

Bulaka RiverJélmèk Jab Makléw Maklew
Drabbe GeurtjensDrabbe Lebold et al.
-k
thumb/big toe *ege- egek-nek egeŋ
possessive *-a[u]- -awk -aŋ
old (thing) *poto- potok 'potoŋ 'pɔtɔŋ
big *bala- mbalak balaŋ 'balaŋ
short *t[e]m[e]- təmək tammak təmaŋ 'təməŋ
good/true *ŋeme ŋəmək namiŋke: ŋəməŋ≈ŋɛməŋŋəməŋ
new *ŋeluo ŋəlwok ŋolwok 'ŋɛlwoŋ 'ŋəluwɔŋ
small *wVti- wotək watək hitiŋ 'hitiŋ
-k ≈ -ø
light (weight)*popu- popu popok 'popuŋ
-k
long *tipu tipuk tipo tipu tipu
woman/female *iowa- jua juwa ajɔhaŋ
dry *ua- wa waŋ
suffix on adj.*-pa -pa -paŋ -paŋ
tame/orphan *ŋomo- ŋomo ŋomoŋ

Pronouns

The nominative forms of the personal pronouns (q.v. Drabbe 1950: 550-551) are as follows. Maklew's second person nominatives differ from Yelmek's, which are the same as oblique bases of all descendants; it's conceivable that this difference was original. It's not clear whether Maklew has added a suffix to the third person plural or if the Yelmek form is an irregular reduction:

Bulaka RiverJélmèkMakléw
1 sg.*ŋ[e]l ŋəl ŋəllo
2 sg.*au (?) aw obe
3 sg.*eb ew ib
1 pl.*ŋag ŋag ŋag
2 pl.*ale (?) ɛl omle
3 pl.*em[e]l em imel

The oblique forms are derived from the nominatives by the suffixation of /*-el ≈ *-ol/ to the first and second persons and /*-i/ to the third persons. Here the originality of Yelmek's /-i/ is assumed in order to account for the difference in third person base vowels; our hypothesis is that Maklew generalized the third person obliques to the nominative and then reinforced them with /*-el/ by analogy:

Bulaka RiverJélmèkMakléw
1 sg. obl.*ŋ[e]l-el ŋəl-elŋəl-el
2 sg. obl.*au-ol aw-ol aw-ol
3 sg. obl.*eb-i eb-i ib-el
1 pl. obl.*ŋag-ol ŋag-olŋag-ol
2 pl. obl.*al-el ɛl-el al-el
3 pl. obl.*em[e]l-i em-i iml-el

The possessive forms are derived from the nominatives by the suffixation of /*-a[u]/ followed by the adjectival Yelmek /k/, Maklew /ŋ/. The Yelmek first person plural appears to be defective:

Bulaka River JélmèkMakléw
1 sg. poss.*ŋ[e]l-a[u]- ŋl-awkŋəl-aŋ ≈ ŋl-aŋ
2 sg. poss.*au-a[u]- aw-awkaw-aŋ
3 sg. poss.*eb-a[u]- ɛb-awkib-aŋ
1 pl. poss.*ŋag-a[u]- ŋ-awk ŋag-aŋ
2 pl. poss.*ale-a[u]- ɛl-awkal-aŋ
3 pl. poss.*em[e]l-a[u]-em-awkiml-aŋ

Verbal morphology

[under construction]

Drabbe (1950: 552-561) …

Loans from neighboring languages

[under construction]

… Marind … (q.v. Geurtjens 1983: 398-411, Nevermann 1952 ibid.):

… “tobacco” …