Guam and Moam Rivers

Timothy Usher, Santa Fe Institute

Situation

The Guam and Moam Rivers family consists of eight to eleven languages spoken along and around the Guam and Moam rivers, tributaries of the Ramu, in the Bogia and Middle Ramu subdistricts of Papua New Guinea's Madang province (Z'graggen 1971: 79-83) It is called the Goam Stock in the works of Z'graggen, who first recognized the unity of the family.

Subclassification

The internal classification of Guam and Moam Rivers is as follows:

Guam and Moam Rivers

Moam River

Kaje (Andarum)

Tanguat

Igom-Tangu

Igom

Tangu

Guam River

Chini (Akrukay)

Breri-Romkun

Breri

Romkun

Itutang-Midsivindi

Itutang

Midsivindi

Kominimung and Igana are listed as Tamolan (Guam River) languages in Z'graggen (1972, Laycock and Z'graggen 1975: 739-740) but no vocabularies were elicited. Also listed in Z'graggen (1972) is Isarikan, which according to Z'graggen (1971: 81) is a village in which Itutang is spoken. It might be asked if Itutang and Midsivindi aren't dialects of a single language.

Z'graggen (1971: 82-83) gives lexicostatistical relationships between languages of the Goam Stock as follows:

Andarum Tanguat Igom Tangu Akrukay Breri Romkun Itutang Midsivin.
Andarum 37 39 36 20 15 10 24 17
Tanguat 37 45 41 23 20 15 30 12
Igom 39 45 65 23 17 13 28 14
Tangu 36 41 65 11 15 13 32 11
Akrukay 20 23 23 11 38 35 36 46
Breri 15 20 17 15 38 71 38 42
Romkun 10 15 13 13 35 71 34 41
Itutang 24 30 28 32 36 38 34 73
Midsivin. 17 12 14 11 46 42 41 73

The unexpectedly high figures between Itutang and the Moam River languages relative to those between Moam River and other Guam River languages, such as Itutang's nearest relative Midsivindi, do not match our observations.

Sources

Capell (1951-1952: 141-143) grammar sketches of and (pp. 198-200) 78 comparative terms for Igom and (pp. 201-209) 81 terms for Tanggum

Z'graggen (1969, 1971: 79-83) brief descriptions and (pp. 90-91) 20 comparative terms for Tangu, Igom, Tanguat, Andarum, Itutang, Midsivindi, Akrukay, Breri and Romkun

Z'graggen (1972) 431 comparative terms for Tangu, Igom, Tanguat, Andarum, Itutang, Midsivindi, Akrukay, Breri and Romkun

Burridge (1969) ethnography of Tangu

Lotterman (1992) sketch phonology of Tanggu (Nai)

Lotterman (2005) Tanggu (unobtained)

Foley (2005: 119-121) 59 comparative terms for Tangu and 60 terms for Igom drawn from Capell (1951-1952)

Brooks (2018) Chini of Andamang village

In addition to these, survey vocabularies of seven Inapang (Midsivindi) villages were provided to us in digitalized form by Paul Whitehouse via the Summer Institute of Linguistics, Ukarumpa; however they are undated and unattributed.

Historical phonology

[under construction]

Proto-Guam and Moam Rivers had 13 or 14 consonants and at least 4 vowels as follows:

*m *n
*p *t [*s] *k
*mb *nd *ŋg
*w *r *j
*i *u
*a

Any consonant can occur medially.

Only a restricted set of consonants occurs initially:

*m *n
*w *r *j

Initial apical nasal /*n/ is uncommon, having been identified only in the roots of the first and second person dual pronouns as well as the first person singular object (below).

Only a restricted set of consonants occurs finally:

*m *n
*p *t *s *k
*r *j

The majority of roots are of the form /*(C)VCVC(VC)/. Final vowels are not found on roots with more than two syllables. There are a small number of vowel-final roots /*(C)VCV/. Several pronouns are monosyllables /*CV *VC/. Consonant clusters do not occur.


Initial consonants correspond as follows:

G-M Moam R. Guam R.
*m- m ø
*n- n ø
*w-
*r- *r
*j- ø
*ɣ₁- *ɣ₁ ø
*ɣ₂- *ɣ₂ ø

Medial consonants correspond as follows:

G-M Moam R. Guam R.
*-m- *m *m
*-n- *n *n
*-ŋ-
*-p- *p *p
*-t- *t *t
*-s- *s *s
*-k- *k *k
*-k-/_i *k *s
*-mb- *mb *mb
*-nd- *nd *nd
*-ŋg- *ŋg *ŋg
*-ŋg-/_i *ŋg *ndz
*-w- *w *w
*-r- *r *r
*-j- *j *j
*-ɣ-

Final consonants correspond as follows:

G-M Moam R. Guam R.
*-m *m *m
*-n *n *n
*-ŋ
*-p *p *p
*-t *t *r
*-s *s *s
*-k *k *k
*-r *r *r
*-j *j *j
*-ɣ

These correspondences are exemplified as follows. For clarity of presentation, the general dispositions of initial consonants will presented first, then those of medial consonants, then those of final cononants. Some details of the forms which follow are necessarily tentative.


Only a restricted set of consonants occurs initially, including nasals /*m *n/ and non-stops /*w *r *j *ɣ/. The most consequential phonological trend in Moam and Guam River languages is the loss of these initial consonants, which were invariably destressed on roots with more than one syllable..

This development is broadly shared with the Tomui River and West Sogeram River subgroups of Ramu Tributaries to the east and southeast as well as with Ruboni Range and South Ramu Coast to the north. In Guam River, this loss is nearly exceptionless, with only one clear example in which initial /*r/ is retained. In Moam River, Andarum and Tanguat also drop most initial consonants, such that most of the values given here are based upon Igom and Tangu forms as well as, in some instances, outcomparison.

Initial bilabial nasal /*m/ is dropped in Guam River:

Guam-Moam Moam River Guam River
*m- *m
tongue *… *mimiaɣ *imVɣ
areca nut.*… *mindz[i]ak
3 sg. *ma(-n) *ma(-n) *an
cassowary *mandʉkam *mandVkVm *andʉkam
sea *maŋar *maŋar
heart *mun[ʉ/u][a]k*munuk *unʉ[a]k
testicles *mVŋgʉan *muŋgʉan *Vŋgʉan

The only clear examples of initial apical nasal /*n/ are found in the first person singular accusative pronoun, and in the first and second person duals which are likely to be compounds; here /*n/ is dropped in Guam River:

Guam-MoamMoam RiverGuam River
*n- *n
1 sg. acc.*na *na
1 dl. *naŋgV *naŋgi *aŋgʉ
2 dl. *nuŋgV *nuŋgi *uŋgʉ

Velar nasal /*ŋ/ does not occur initially.

Neither plain stops /*p *t *s *k/ nor prenasalized stops /*mb *nd *ndz *ŋg/ occur initially.

Initial bilabial non-stop /*w/ …:

Guam-MoamMoam RiverGuam River
*w-

Initial apical non-stop /*r/ …:

Guam-MoamMoam RiverGuam River
*r- *r
*r-
head*[r]amban *amban

Initial non-stop /*j/ …:

Guam-MoamMoam RiverGuam River
*j-

Initial velar non-stop /*ɣ/ …:

Guam-Moam Moam RiverGuam River
*ɣ₁- *ɣ₁
bone *ɣ₁awaŋ *ɣ₁awaŋ *awaŋ
*ɣ₂- *ɣ₂
tanget *ɣ₂ambaŋ *ɣ₂ambaŋ *ambaŋ
thigh *ɣ₂[a]mbuan*ɣ₂umbuan *ambuan
vine *ɣ₂aŋgatʉk *ɣ₂aŋgatʉk*aŋgarʉk
shoulder*ɣ₂umbʉak *ɣ₂umbʉak
ear *ɣ₂ukuar *ɣ₂ukuar *ukuar

Any consonant can occur medially.

Medial /*m/ is retained as such in both families:

Guam-MoamMoam RiverGuam River
*-m-

Medial apical nasal /*n/ is retained as such in both families:

Guam-Moam Moam RiverGuam River
*-n- *n *n
heart *mun[ʉ/u][a]k*munuk *unʉ[a]k
skin/bark*… *… *inatʉk

Medial velar nasal /*ŋ/ is retained as such in both families:

Guam-MoamMoam RiverGuam River
*-ŋ-
sea*maŋar *maŋar

Medial bilabial plain stop /*p/ is retained as such in both families:

Guam-MoamMoam RiverGuam River
*-p- *p *p
group *-Vpak *-Vpak
mountain*[C]upuɣ *upuɣ
leaf *rapar *rapar *rapar
arm/hand*Capar *Capar *apar

Medial apical plain stop /*t/ is retained as such in both families when followed by non-high front vowels /*ʉ *a *u/:

Guam-Moam Moam River Guam River
*-t-/_ʉ a u*t *t
bamboo *[C]itam *[C]itam
shin *itandaŋ *itandaŋ
piece of wood*[C]atʉap *atʉap
path *uta[k/ɣ] *uta[k/ɣ]
kunai gress *utuam[Vn] *utuam[un] *utumuan
knee *[ɣ₁]it[ʉ/u]ap *[ɣ₁]utuap *it[ʉ/u]ap
skin/bark *… *… *inatʉk
vine *ɣ₂aŋgatʉk *ɣ₂aŋgatʉk *aŋgatʉk
stone *[ɣ₂]aɣutuak *[ɣ₂]aɣutuak*aɣutuak

Medial /*s/ is retained as such in both families:

Guam-MoamMoam RiverGuam River
*-s- *s *s
spirit sp.*asiŋ *asiŋ *asiŋ
crocodile *asik *asik *asik

Medial velar plain stop /*k/ is retained as such in both families when followed by non-high front vowels /*ʉ *a *u/:

Guam-Moam Moam RiverGuam River
*-k-/_ʉ a u*k *k
mouth *akam *akam *akam
rat *ukat *ukuat *ukar
1 sg. *uku *uku[aɣ] *uku
bamboo *uk[u]am *uk[u]am
smoke *ukuaj *ukuaj *ukuaj
cassowary*mandʉkam *mandVkVm *andʉkam
ear *ɣ₂ukuar *ɣ₂ukuar *ukuar

When followed by high front vowel /*i/, medial /*k/ is palatalized to /*s/ in Guam River:

Guam-Moam Moam RiverGuam River
*-k-/_i*k *s
snake*ukiak *ukiak *usiak

Medial prenasalized bilabial stop /*mb/ is retained as such in both families:

Guam-Moam Moam RiverGuam River
*-mb- *mb *mb
saliva *imbasar *imbasar
old (man)*ambʉak *ambʉak *ambʉak
chicken *[a]mbuat *umbuat *ambuar
house *[C]ambʉɣ *ambʉɣ
stick *umbʉan *umbʉan *umbʉan
upper leg*umbuam *umbuam *umbuam
head *[r]amban *amban
tanget *ɣ₂ambaŋ *ɣ₂ambaŋ *ambaŋ
thigh *ɣ₂[a]mbuan*ɣ₂umbuan *ambuan
shoulder *ɣ₂umbʉak *ɣ₂umbʉak

Medial apical prenasalized stop /*nd/ is retained as such in both families:

Guam-MoamMoam RiverGuam River
*-nd-*nd *nd
shin *itandaŋ *itandaŋ
younger brother*indʉaŋ *indʉaŋ *[i]ndʉaŋ
tooth *andar *andar *andar
tree possum *anduan *anduan *anduan
spirit sp. *anduar *anduar
vein *aŋgʉndʉŋ*aŋgʉndʉŋ
stump *unduam *unduam *unduam
fence/wall *unduaŋ *unduaŋ *unduaŋ
male *unduar *unduar
cassowary *mandʉkam*mandVkVm *andʉkam
root *ɣ₁undʉar*ɣ₁undʉar *ʉndʉar

Medial velar prenasalized stop /*ŋg/ is retained as such in both families when followed by non-high front vowels /*ʉ *a *u/:

Guam-Moam Moam RiverGuam River
*-ŋg- *ŋg *ŋg
young/new *iŋgam *iŋgam
ground possum*iŋgʉan *iŋgʉan
ground possum*iŋgʉan *iŋgʉan
belly/stomach*iŋguan *iŋguan *[u]ŋguan
vein *aŋgʉndʉŋ *aŋgʉndʉŋ
leg *aŋgar *aŋgar *aŋgar
mosquito *aŋguan *aŋguan *aŋguan
crocodile *uŋguam *uŋguam
bird *uŋgarak *uŋguarak *uŋgarak
testicles *mVŋgʉan *muŋgʉan *Vŋgʉan
1 dl. *naŋgV *naŋgi *aŋgʉ
2 dl. *nuŋgV *nuŋgi *uŋgʉ
vine *ɣ₂aŋgatʉk*ɣ₂aŋgatʉk*aŋgatʉk

When followed by high front vowel /*i/, medial /*ŋg/ is palatalized to /*ndz/ in Guam River:

Guam-Moam Moam RiverGuam River
*-ŋg-/_i*ŋg *ndz
breast*uŋgi[a]ɣ *uŋgiaɣ *undzuɣ
sago *jaŋgiaɣ *jaŋgiaɣ *andziɣ

Medial /*w/ is retained as such in both families:

Guam-MoamMoam RiverGuam River
*-w- *w *w
bone*ɣ₁awaŋ *ɣ₁awaŋ *awaŋ

Medial /*r/ is retained as such in both families:

Guam-MoamMoam RiverGuam River
*-r- *r *r
bird*uŋgarak *uŋguarak *uŋgarak

Medial /*j/ …:

Guam-MoamMoam RiverGuam River
*-j-

Medial /*ɣ/ is retained as such in both families:

Guam-Moam Moam River Guam River
*-ɣ-
stone*[ɣ₂]aɣutuak*[ɣ₂]aɣutuak*aɣutuak

Only a restricted set of consonants occurs finally, including nasals /*m *n *ŋ/, plain stops /*p *t *s *k/ and non-stops /*r *j *ɣ/.

Final /*m/ is retained as such in both families:

Guam-MoamMoam RiverGuam River
*-m *m *m
bamboo *[C]itam *[C]itam *
mouth *akam *akam *akam
upper leg*umbuam *umbuam *umbuam
stump *unduam *unduam *unduam
bamboo *uk[u]am *uk[u]am
crocodile*uŋguam *uŋguam
cassowary*mandʉkam*mandVkVm *andʉkam

Final /*n/ is retained as such in both families:

Guam-Moam Moam RiverGuam River
*-n *n *n
ground possum*iŋgʉan *iŋgʉan
belly/stomach*iŋguan *iŋguan *[u]ŋguan
tree possum *anduan *anduan *anduan
banana *aŋgʉ[a]n *aŋgʉ[a]n *aŋgʉ[a]n
mosquito *aŋguan *aŋguan *aŋguan
stick *umbʉan *umbʉan *umbʉan
testicles *mVŋgʉan *muŋgʉan *Vŋgʉan
head *[r]amban *amban
thigh *ɣ₂[a]mbuan*ɣ₂umbuan *ambuan

Final /*ŋ/ is retained as such in both families:

Guam-MoamMoam RiverGuam River
*-ŋ
shin *itandaŋ *itandaŋ
younger brother*indʉaŋ *indʉaŋ *[i]ndʉaŋ
spirit sp. *asiŋ *asiŋ *asiŋ
vein *aŋgʉndʉŋ*aŋgʉndʉŋ
fence/wall *unduaŋ *unduaŋ *unduaŋ
bone *ɣ₁awaŋ *ɣ₁awaŋ *awaŋ
tanget *ɣ₂ambaŋ *ɣ₂ambaŋ *ambaŋ

Final /*p/ is retained as such in both families:

Guam-Moam Moam RiverGuam River
*-p *p *p
piece of wood*[C]atʉap *atʉap
knee *[ɣ₁]it[ʉ/u]ap*[ɣ₁]utuap*it[ʉ/u]ap

Final /*t/ is merged with /*r/ in Guam River:

Guam-MoamMoam RiverGuam River
*-t *t *r
chicken*[a]mbuat*umbuat *ambuar
rat *ukat *ukuat *ukar

Final /*s/ is retained as such in both families:

Guam-MoamMoam RiverGuam River
*-s *s *s

Final /*k/ is retained as such in both families:

Guam-Moam Moam River Guam River
*-k *k *k
group *-Vpak *-Vpak
old (man) *ambʉak *ambʉak *ambʉak
crocodile *asik *asik *asik
snake *ukiak *ukiak *usiak
bird *uŋgarak *uŋguarak *uŋgarak
areca nut.*… *mindz[i]ak
heart *mun[ʉ/u][a]k*munuk *unʉ[a]k
skin/bark *… *… *inatʉk
vine *ɣ₂aŋgatʉk *ɣ₂aŋgatʉk *aŋgatʉk
stone *[ɣ₂]aɣutuak *[ɣ₂]aɣutuak*aɣutuak
shoulder *ɣ₂umbʉak *ɣ₂umbʉak

Prenasalized stops /*mb *nd *ŋg/ do not occur finally.

Bilabial non-stop /*w/ does not occur finally.

Final /*r/ is retained as such in both families:

Guam-MoamMoam RiverGuam River
*-r *r *r
tooth *andar *andar *andar
spirit sp.*anduar *anduar
leg *aŋgar *aŋgar *aŋgar
male *unduar *unduar
sea *maŋar *maŋar
leaf *rapar *rapar *rapar
arm/hand *Capar *Capar *apar
root *ɣ₁undʉar*ɣ₁undʉar *ʉndʉar
ear *ɣ₂ukuar *ɣ₂ukuar *ukuar

Final /*j/ is retained as such in both families:

Guam-MoamMoam RiverGuam River
*-j *j *j
smoke*ukuaj *ukuaj *ukuaj

Final /*ɣ/ is retained as such in both families:

Guam-MoamMoam RiverGuam River
*-ɣ
house *[C]ambʉɣ *ambʉɣ
mountain*[C]upuɣ *upuɣ
breast *uŋgi[a]ɣ*uŋgiaɣ *undzuɣ
tongue *… *mimiaɣ *imVɣ
sago *jaŋgiaɣ *jaŋgiaɣ *andziɣ

Pronouns

Guam and Moam Rivers nominative pronouns are reconstructed as follows:

Guam-MoamMoam RiverGuam River
1 sg.*uku *uku[aC] *uku
2 sg.*un *unu[aC] *un
3 sg.*ma(-n) *ma(-n) *an
1 pl.*ani *ani *ani
2 pl.*uni *uni[aC] *uni
3 pl.*… *… *…
1 dl.*naŋgV *naŋgi *aŋgʉ
2 dl.*nuŋgV *nuŋgi *uŋgʉ
3 dl.*ma-ni *ma-ni *…

In addition to these, Capell (1951-1952: 142) gives Tanggum first person singular object /na/, the only person in which this distinction is drawn. The originality of /*na/ is demonstrated by outcomparison to Ruboni Range /*na/ with the same meaning (q.v. Capell 1951-1952: 139, Stanhope 1972: 57-58.)

Loans from Ramu Tributaries

[under construction]

… shared with the Tomui River and Sogeram River subgroups of the Ramu Tributaries subfamily of Madang. While some are demonstrably loans as evidenced by otherwise irregular correspondences, it cannot at this point be ruled out that others are legitimate genetic retentions:

Tomui RiverSogeram RiverMoam RiverGuam River
female
water *… *… *…
sago *ajaŋga *jaŋgiaɣ *andziɣ
bird *[o/u]ŋgara*uŋguarak *uŋgarak
areca nut *… *… *mindzak
cassowary *… *mandVkVm *andʉkam
penis/testicles*mVŋgVn *mVŋgVn *muŋgʉan *Vŋgʉan
meat/flesh *muruk *m₂ʉrʉk *m₂ʉrʉk
cassowary *mujam *m₂ajaum
mosquito *… *… *aŋguan *aŋguan
bone *kawaŋ *ɣ₁awaŋ *awaŋ
root *… *… *ɣ₁undʉar *ʉndʉr