Atohaim

Timothy Usher, Santa Fe Institute

Atohaim (Atohwaim, Atoheim,) known also as Kaugat, is spoken by approximately 700 people (1971) living in five villages along the Cook and Kronkel rivers just inland from the Casuarina coast in the southwest of Indonesia's Papua province. Voorhoeve names these villages as Jakamit, Sanem, Sinepit, Ajkut and Kajpom, with Jakamit on the Kronkel speaking one dialect and the other four along the Cook speaking another. Voorhoeve calculates 93% cognacy between Kronkel and Cook river dialects. Atohaim's nearest relatives are the Gondu River languages immediately to the southeast (Voorhoeve 1971: 79-82, 87, 1975: 366-367.)

Voorhoeve (1971: 79-88) general description and (pp. 110-114) 97 comparative terms for Kaugat of Jakamit and Sinepit villages

Voorhoeve (1975: 368-369) sketch phonology and pronouns for Kaugat

Voorhoeve (2007) comparative vocabulary of Kaugat

Clouse (1987) 145 comparative terms for Atoheim of Jaukui village

Kim, Clouse and Price (1987) comparative vocabulary for Atohwaim (unobtained)

Sawi and Sidabutar (2002) 235 comparative terms for Atohaim (Atohwaim) of Yagamit and Yahui vollages

[under construction]

Voorhoeve (1971: 82-85, 1975: 369-369) gives 13 consonants and 7 vowels for Kaugat of Sinepit as follows:

The Kronkel River dialect as spoken in Jakamit village lacks high and mid central rounded vowels /ʉ ɵ/; comparison to Clouse's vocabulary of Jaukui shows both to have merged with high back rounded /u/, a change also found in the Awyu and Wambon languages to the east.

Any consonant can occur initially.

Initial bilabial nasal /*m/ is retained as such in both dialects:

Initial apical nasal /*n/ is retained as such in both dialects:

Initial bilabial voiceless stop /*p/ is retained as such in both dialects:

Initial apical voiceless stop /*t/ is retained as such in both dialects:

…:

Initial laminal voiceless /*s/ …:

Initial velar voiceless stop /*k/ …:

Initial bilabial non-stop /*w/ is generally retained as such in both dialects:

Apical non-stop /*r/ has not been found to occur initially.

Initial palatal non-stop /*j/ is generally retained as such in both dialects, though in one example has been occluded to [dʒ] in Clouse's Jaukui:

… medial consonants …

Medial bilabial nasal /*m/ is retained as such in both dialects:

Medial apical nasal /*n/ is retained as such in both dialects:

In one example where medial /*n/ is followed by high back rounded vowel /*u/ it is realized as palatal [ɲ]:

Medial bilabial voiceless stop /*p/ …:

Medial apical voiceless stop /*t/ is retained as such in both dialects when preceded by vowels other than high front /*i/:

When preceded by hight fron /*i/, medial /*t/ …:

…:

Medial … /*s/ …:

Medial velar voiceless stop /*k/ …:

When both preceded and followed by mid back rounded vowel /*o/, …:

When both preceded and followed by low central vowel /*a/, medial /*k is generally realized as a glottal stop [ʔ]:

Apparent exceptions to this rule are either known or likely compounds:

Bilabial non-stop /*w/ …:

Medial apical non-stop /*r/ is retained as such in both dialects:

Medial palatal non-stop /*j/ is retained as such in both dialects:

Medial apical non-stop /*r/ is retained as such in both dialects:

… final consonants …

Final bilabial nasal /*m/ is retained as such in both dialects:

Final apical nasal /*n/ is generally retained as such in both dialects:

…:

Final bilabial voiceless stop /*p/ …

Final apical voiceless stop /*t/ …

Final laminal voiceless /*tʃ/ …

Final laminal voiceless /*s/ …

Velar voiceless stop /*k/ has not been found to ccur finally.

Bilabial non-stop /*w/ has not been found to occur finally.

Final apical non-stop /*r/ is retained as such in both dialects:

Palatal non-stop /*j/ has not been found to occur finally.

Only one cluster is found finally, a bilabial voiceless stop followed by homorganic nasal /*pm/:

…vowels ….

High front vowel /*i/ …:

Voorhoeve's high central rounded vowel [ʉ] corresponds to high back rounded [u] in Clouse's dialect:

High back rounded vowel /*u/ …:

…

Mid front vowel /*e/ …:

Voorhoeve's mid central rounded vowel [ɵ] corresponds to high back rounded [u] in Clouse's dialect:

Mid back rounded vowel /*o/ …:

Low central vowel /*a/ …:

… diphthongs …

…/*ie/ … :

… /*uo/ …

… /*ei/ …:

… /*ou/ …

… /*ai/ …

… /*ae/ …

Voorhoeve (1971: 85-86, 1975: 368) gives pronouns for Kaugat in four case forms as follows. Voorhoeve gives no third person forms and only one indirect object:

Clouse's (1987: 3) third person singular [puˈkum] is a demonstrative; cf. [peˈgem] “ini”, [poɣom] “itu”.

No information on Atohaim verbal morphology is currently available to us.