Foia Foia

Timothy Usher, Santa Fe Institute

Foia Foia (Foiafoia, Foeafoea, Foyafoya) is spoken in several small villages in at least two enclaves inland of the northwest coast of the Papuan Gulf, one between the Wawoi and Guavi rivers just east of the Mubami language in Papua New Guinea's Western province, and one along the lower reaches of the Paibuna and Omati Rivers in Gulf province, with the Kiwai languages Morigi to the south and west, Kerewo to the east and Omati of the Omati River family to the north. The Foia Foia can paddle accross most of this swampy region by canoe (Franklin 1973: 269, Petterson 2014: 1.)

The term Foia Foia [ɸoeaɸoea] means “speech” or “language,” with foia [ɸoea] meaning “speak” (Petterson 2014: 1, q.v. Carr 2006: 5.) According to Petterson (p.c.,) the term Minanibai, as found in Franklin (1973,) isn't recognized by speakers, and was probably a mistaken translation of the phrase “let's go!” Johnston's (1919-1920: 120) designation Eme-Eme is mostly likely based upon the word /emi/ meaning “people.” Pepeha is the name of a village in which Foiafoia is spoken.

Johnston (1919-1920: 120) 120 comparative terms for Eme-Eme of Korariperamesina or Pepeha village

Franklin (1973: 270-273) miscellaneous notes including pronouns for Minanibai of Pepeha

Franklin ed. (1973: 577-578,) Franklin (1975: 264-268) 100 comparative terms for Minanibai of Pepeha

Carr (1991) 120 comparative terms for Foyafoya of Bibisa village

Carr (1991) 99 comparative terms for Minanibai

Carr (2006) 164 comparative terms and 20 comparative phrases for Pepeha

Allen and Keneqa (2006) sketch phonology of Foia Foia with no glosses

Petterson (2014) 204 comparative terms and 26 comparative phrases for Foeafoea of Bibisa village

Foia Foia has 12 or 13 consonants and at least 5 vowels as follows:

Velar nasalized non-stop /ɣ̃/ is attested only initially and in only one term, Franklin's second person singular free pronoun, which is given with intial [ŋg n]; this merges with /w/ in other varieties of (below.) Its originality is premised upon outcomparison to other Inland Gulf languages, as well as to Fly River in general.

There is no palatal non-stop /j/ because Inland Gulf initial /*j/ has been occluded to apical /ɾ/.

Neither final consonants nor consonant clusters occur.

[under construction]

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Bilabial nasal /m/ is retained as such in all dialects:

Apical nasal /n/ is retained as such in all dialects:

Bilabial voiceless stop /p/ is retained as such in all dialects:

Apical voiceless stop /t/ is retained as such in all dialects. Initial /t/ is much less common than medial /t/ or initials /p k/:

Velar voiceless stop /k/ is retained as such in all dialects:

Bilabial voiced stop /b/ ia retained as such in all dialects:

Apical voiced stop /d/ is retained as such in all dialects:

Velar voiced stop /g/ is generally retained as such in all dialects. Ocassionally it is lenited to [ɣ] in Petterson's Foeafoea:

Bilabial fricative /ɸ/ is generally retained as such in all descendants. It is occasionally deoccluded to [h] in Carr's Pepeha and Johnston's Eme-Eme. Initial /ɸ/ is much less common then medial /ɸ/:

Fricative /s/ is generally retained as such in all dialects. It is sometimes deoccluded to [h] in Franklin's Minanibai. Initial /s/ is much less common than medial /s/:

Bilabial non-stop /w/ is retained as such in all dialects. Medially, it tends to be occluded to bilabial or labiodental [β v]:

Initial apical non-stop /ɾ/ is historically an occlusion of Inland Gulf palatal /*j/. It may be fortited to voiced stop [d nd], realized as lateral non-stop [l] or retained as [ɾ]:

Medial /ɾ/ is generally realized as such in all dialects. It is sometimes dropped in Johnston's Eme-Eme:

There is no palatal non-stop /j/. Inland Gulf initial /*j/ has been occluded to apical /ɾ/ (above.)

Velar nasalized non-stop /ɣ̃/ is only attested in one example, in which it appears initially. We tentatively assume Franklin's initial to be original rather than in error, because its value is supported by outcomparison to Mubami, where it is reflected as /g/, and because it is consistent with the historical origin of the Inland Gulf sound:

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High front vowel /i/ …:

High back vowel /u/ …:

Mid back vowel /e/ …:

Mid back vowel /o/ …:

Low central vowel /a/ …:

…

[under construction]

… with attestations drawn from Petterson's (2014) Foeafoea:

Foia Foia free pronouns are as follows, with attestations drawn from Franklin (1973: 270-273, ed. 577-578,) Carr (2006) and Petterson (2014: 5-6):

[under construction]

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Loans from Kiwai …:

Loans from Dibiyaso … with Dibiyaso attestations drawn from (CITE):

Loans from Motu …:

Loans from Mouwase … with Mouwase attestations drawn from Petterson (2014 ibid.):

Loans to Omati River … with Barikewa, Kaser and Mowase attestations drawn from Carr (2006):

Flint (1917-1918: 96) gives 94 comparative terms for the Karami people of Kikimairi and Aduahai villages, living in the forest alongside a fork of the Turama river. in Papua New Guinea's Western province, just across the border from Gulf province. …: