East Keram River

Timothy Usher, Santa Fe Institute

Situation

[under construction]

The East Keram River family consists of two languages, Ambakich and Ap Ma, spoken along the Keram river, in the swamps and grasslands to the west and to the east along the Porapora (Bien) river, in the Angoram subdistrict of Papua New Guinea’s East Sepik province (q.v. ….)

Subclassification

The internal classification of East Keram River is as follows:

East Keram River

Ambakich

Ap Ma

Sources

Laycock (1971) 280 comparative terms for Aion (Ambakich) of Angang village and 246 comparative terms for Kambot (Ap Ma) or Kambaramba village (digitalized by Russell Barlow)

Laycock and Z'graggen (1975: 758-759) pronouns for Kambot (Ap Ma)

Ross (CITE) pronouns for Aion following Laycock (1971)

Wade (1981: 15-29) 163 comparative terms for Botin (Ap Ma) of Samban, Punyaten, Simbir, Raten, Yamen, Lol, Wom, Kekton, Krogopa, Bobten, Kambot, Kambaramba, Bobaten, Pamban and Kambuku villages

Wade (1983) phonology of Botin of Samban village

Wade (1983) dictionary of Botin of Samban village

Wade (1984) grammar of Botin of Samban village

Wade (1994) sketch phonology of Botin of Samban village

Abbot (1985: 329-336) 95 comparative terms for Kambot of Kambaramba village

Pryor and Farr (1989) deictics of Botin of Samban and Paiñiten villages (Central dialect)

Pryor (1990) Botin deictics

Adam (n.d.) vocabulary of Kambaramba (Ap Ma) provided in spreadsheet form by Paul Whitehouse via the Summer Institute of Linguistics

Sanders (n.d.) vocabulary of Aion provided in spreadsheet form by Paul Whitehouse via the Summer Institute of Linguistics

Potter, Lambrecht, Alemán and Janzen (2008: 60-65) 156 comparative terms for Ambakich of Yaut, Agurant, Ombos, Pangin and Arango villages

Barlow (2019) 757 comparative terms for Ambakich of Yaut village and Ap Ma of Yamen village

Barlow (2021) phonology of Ambakich of Yaut village

(We thank Pioneer Bible Translators of Madang and Martha Wade for access to her unpublished materials.)

Historical phonology

[under construction]

Proto-East Keram River had 13 consonants and 6 vowels as folows:

*m *n
*p *t *s *k
*mb *nd *ndz *ŋg
*w *j
*i *u
*e *o
*a





Only a limited subset of consonants occurs finally:

*m *n
*p *t *s *k
*w *j



Initial consonants in monosyllables correpsond as follows:

East Keram Ambakich Kambaramba Ap Ma
*m-/_V(C)# m m m
*n-/_V(C)# ? ? ?
*n-/_i(C)# ɲ ɲ ɲ
*p-/_V(C)# ? ? ?
*t-/_V(C)# t t
*s-/_V(C)# s s s
*k-/_V(C)# k Ø Ø
*mb-/_V(C)# ? ? ?
*nd-/_V(C)# nd ɺ ɺ
*ndz-/_V(C)# ndʒ ndʒ ndʒ
*ŋg-/_V(C)# ŋg ŋg ŋg
*w-/_V(C)# w w w
*ɺ-/_V(C)# ? ? ?
*j-/_V(C)# ? j

Initial consonants in roots with more than one syllable correspond as follows:

East Keram Ambakich Kambaramba Ap Ma
*mV- mV Ø
*nV- nV Ø
*pV- pV Ø
*tV-
*sV-
*kV- kV Ø
*mbV- mbV Ø
*ndV- ndV Ø
*ndzV-
*ŋgV- ŋgV Ø
*wV-
*ɺV- V jV Ø
*jV-/_N
*jV-/_C

Medial consonants correspond as follows:

East Keram Ambakich Kambaramba Ap Ma
*-m- m m m
*-n- n n n
*-n-/_i ? ɲ ɲ
*-p- p p p
*-t- t t
*-s- s s s
*-k- k ? k
*-mb- mb mb mb
*-nd- nd- nd- nd-
*-ndz- d ? ndʒ
*-ŋg- ŋg ŋg ŋg
*-w- w w w
*-w- Ø w w
*-w-/_Vn m w w
*-ɺ- j j ɺ
*-ɺ- j j ɺ
*-ɺ-/mV_ j n
*-j- Ø ? j

Final consonants correspond as follows:

East Keram Ambakich Kambaramba Ap Ma
*-m m m m
*-n n n n
*-p p p p
*-t ? t
*-s ? ? s
*-k k ? k
*-w Ø w w
*-ɺ ɺ Ø Ø
*-j Ø ? ?

Vowels correspond as follows:



These correspondences are exemplified as follows, with ….


Any consonant besides perhaps apical non-stop /*ɺ/ (below) can occur initially. Initial consonants in monosyllables are generally retained as such in both languages.

Initial bilabial nasal /*m/ in monosyllables is retained as such in both languages:

East Keram Aion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock Barlow Wade
*m-/_V#m m m m m
excrement*mi mi mi
possum *me mɛˑ me me(n)
go *m[a] m m m- m- m-
3 sg. *ma ma ~ mɨ ma ma ~ mɨma-

All three known examples of initial apical nasal /*n/ in monosyllables are followed by high front vowel /*i/, which induces palatalization to [ɲ] in both languages:

East Keram Aion Ambakich Kambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock Barlow Wade
*n-/_i#n [n ɲ] n [ɲ] n [ɲ] n [ɲ] n [ɲ]
1 sg. *ni ɲi ɲi ɲi ɲi ɲi
yesterday*ni ɲɪ-me ~ ɲi-me ɲi(-ndan) ɲe-ndan
two *ni-uŋg[o]nnuŋgʷun
~ nuŋgun
nuŋgun ɲuŋgʷɔn ɲiŋgon
~ ɲuŋgon
ɲiŋgon
~ ɲuŋgon

Bilabial voiceless stop /*p/ has not yet been found word-initially, though it seems probable that one existed.

Apical voiceless stop /*t/ has been firmly established in only one root, in whcih it /*t/ is palatalized and affricated to /tʃ/ [tʲ tʃ] in Ambakich:

East Keram Aion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*t-/_VC# t t
scrotum*tiw tʲi tʃi to to

Initial laminal voiceless /*s/ in monosyllables is retained as such in both languages:

East Keram Aion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut Kambaramba Yamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock Barlow Wade
*s-/_V(C)#s s s s s
thing (pl.)*si si-ndima
come *si si sɪ- si si-
blood *sin sɪn sin sɛ-ndəma
~ sə-lale
si-lilesi-ndima

Initial velar voiceless stop /*k/ in monosyllables is lost in Ap Ma, a change shared with Ulwa of the West Keram River family:

East Keram Aion Ambakich Kambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock BarlowWade
*k-/_V(C)#k [k x]k Ø Ø Ø
speak *kɨ a-
sew *kam kan ~ kam
areca nut *kaw xa- ka aˑwu au au
sago jelly*kaj kaˑ ka

No clear example of initial bilabial prenasalized voiced stop /*mb/ in monosyllables has been found.

Initial apical prenasalized voiced stop /*nd/ in monosyllables is becomes non-stop /ɺ/ in Ap Ma before merging with palatal /j/ in the Kambaramba dialect:

East Keram Aion Ambakich Kambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock BarlowWade
*nd-/_V(C)#nd [nd d]nd [nd d]j l ɺ
rain *nden nɛn (?) nden jɛ-ndama le(n) ɺe-ndima
arm/hand*ndop ndoˑp ~ dop ndop jɔp- lo- ɺop

Initial laminal prenasalized voiced /*ndz/ in monosyllables is reflected as /ndʒ/ in both languages:

East Keram Aion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock Barlow Wade
*ndz-/_V#ndʒndʒ ndʒ ndʒndʒ
thing (sg.) *ndzi ndʒi ndʒi-ndima
vulva/vagina*ndziw ndʒi ndʒi ndʒo ndʒo

Initial velar prenasalized voiced stop /*ŋg/ in monosyllables is retained as such in both languages:

East Keram Aion Ambakich Kambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock BarlowWade
*ŋg-/_V#ŋg ŋg ŋg
this/here*ŋga ŋgan ~ ŋgɪnŋgɨ ~ ŋganga ŋga

Initial bilabial non-stop /*w/ in monosyllables is probably retained as such in both languages but the only known example, based upon comparison to West Keram, is not attested for Ap Ma:

East Keram Aion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*w-/_V# w
burn*w[a] w- ~ wa

No examples of initial apical non-stop /*ɺ/ in monosyllables have been found

Initial palatal non-stop /*j/ in monosyllables is occluded to affricate [dʒ] in Ambakich:

East Keram Aion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*j-/_V# j j
name*ju dʒi ju(n) ju-nduma

In roots with more than one syllable, not only the initial consonant but also the following vowel is dropped in Ap Ma, an areal process which affects also most Ramu River languages.

Initial bilabial nasal /*m/ in roots with more than one syllable is dropped in Ap Ma along with the following vowel:

East Keram Aion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock Barlow Wade
*mV-/_CVmV mV Ø Ø Ø
tongue *miL[aw] mɪl miɾ mɪɲɔ́ ɲo ɲo
pandanus*mɨLa məlá mɨɾa lam (?)
urine *mɨLa məla mɨɾa na-lilena-ndima
spear *maɺa majɛ ~ majmaja na(n) na-ndima
heart *m[o/u]mba mumbáʔ momba bɔ-ndama mbo(n) mbo
hunger *mundu ndu-nduma

No clear examples of apical nasal /*n/ in roots with more than one syllable have been found, though it's probable that it would follow the same pattern as does /*m/ (above.)

Bilabial voiceless stop /*p/ has not yet been found word-initially, though it seems probable that one existed.

No clear examples of apical voiceless stop /*t/ in roots with more than one syllable have been found, though we can probably assume that it is palatalized and affricated to /tʃ/ [tʲ tʃ s] in Ambakich and is lost along with the following vowel in Ap Ma.

No clear examples of laminal voiceless /*s/ in native roots with more than one syllable have been found, though it's probable that it would follow the same pattern as do other consonants. One example in which apparent initial /*s/ is not dropped in Ap Ma is a regional loan, and its reflex in Ambakich /tʃ/ suggests /*t/ (cf. medial /*t/ below):

East Keram Aion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut Kambaramba Yamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock BarlowWade
*SV-/_CVtʲV sV sVsV
tobacco*S[o/u]ke tʲukʷej ~ tʲukejtʃuke sɔ́gej ~ sɔkʷejsoke soke

Initial velar voiceless stop /*k/ in roots with more than one syllable is dropped in Ap Ma along with the following vowel. This /k/ is often heard in Ambakich as uvular [q] or glottal stop [ʔ] with which it appears to be in free variation (Barlow p.c. 2020, q.v. Potter, Lambrecht, Alemán and Janzen 2008: 60-65):

East Keram Aion Ambakich Kambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock Barlow Wade
*kV-/_CV kV [kV V] kV [k q ʔV]Ø Ø Ø
breadfruit *kɨpa kəpá kɨpa
mouth *kɨtin ksin tɨn tin tin
tie *kɨt[i/ɨ] kɨtʃɨ ti-
one/a(n) *kɨwa kʷɔ ko wa
wasp *kamu kom
child/young *kamu(-ndzi) kɔmu komu(-ndʒo)
head *kati ɔtʲiˑ katʃi
forest *kand[i/ɨ] andɨ́ ~ ande
~ andə
kandɨ ndɪ-ndama ndi(n) ndi-ndima
sleep (v.) *kawa owú- kawa uwa- -uwu-
grass skirt *kaɺa kaja [kaɲa]
cloud/sky *kaLa kalә́ kaɾa la(n) ɺa-ndima
mosquito net *kaLɨ xalә́ kaɾɨ li(n) ɺi-ndima
banana flower*kokVɺ kokɨɾ
penis *koɺo uiˑ ~ ujiˑ koi wijɔ lo
tail *k[o/u]ŋg[a]nuŋgan koŋgan
aupa *kumbijambi ɔmbi jɛmbi kʊmbijɛmbe mbʷijamḅ mbombia
cough *kuten kutʃen te(n) te-ndima

One example in which Ambakich also drops the vowel of the initial syllable may be due to the fact that it is a trisyllable, or it is a loan from Ap Ma, in which case the initial would be ambiguous between /*k/ and /*ŋg/ (below):

East Keram Aion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*kV-/_CV Ø Ø Ø
coconut shell*kambaɺ[e] baje mbale mbaɺe

In one example, Barlow's Ap Ma though not Wade's or Laycock's preserves initial /*kV/ because it is the second member of a compound:

East Keram Aion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock Barlow Wade
*(-)kV-/_CV kV V kV V
five*ndop kɨwan dɔ-kɔ ndop koŋjɔp-ɔŋ lo-ko(n)ɺop-ɔŋ ~ ɺap-aŋ

Other seeming exceptions are presumed to be loans; the first from … and the second from Waran (Banaro [koɲim] “spirits of nature” Z'graggen 1972):

East Keram Aion Ambakich Kambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock BarlowWade
*KV-/_CVkV [V]kV [kV ʔV]kV kVkV
chicken *KokoL akál kokoɾ kɔkɔl kokol kokoɺ
spirit sp.*K[o/u]nijam kuɪɲam koɲɨm koɲim

Initial bilabial prenasalized voiced stop /*mb/ in roots with more than one syllable is generally dropped in Ap Ma along with the following vowel. Like all initial prenasalized voiced stops, it is often heard as a plain voiced stop [b] in Ambakich:

East Keram Aion Ambakich Kambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock BarlowWade
*mbV-/_CVmbV [bV]mbV [bV]Ø Ø Ø
mud *mbɨtiɺ mbɨsiɾ ti-ndima
lizard sp.*mbɨɺɨ[k]an pəkán (?) mbɨkan aran lan ɺaan
wing *mbapa bap-ək mbapɨ-ɾak pa pa pa
leaf *mbapa bapá mbapa pa-mbap
ball *mbopaw mbopa

There are two puzzling exceptions in which the initial syllable is preserved in Ap Ma , perhaps because they are loans or due to some phonological feature which isn't yet understood:

East Keram Aion Ambakich Kambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut Kambaramba Yamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock Barlow Wade
*MBV-/_CVmbV [bV]mbV [bV]mbV [bV]mbVmbV
rib(s) *MBew[a] mbewa mbeu mbeu
fat/grease*MBeɺ[o] bɛˑ mbe bájoˑ mbelo mbeɺo

Initial apical prenasalized voiced stop /*nd/ in roots with more than one syllable would presumably follow the same pattern as /*mb/ (above) but the only known example, based upon ccomparison to West Keram, is not attested for Ap Ma. Like all initial prenasalized voiced stops, it is often heard as a plain voiced stop [d] in Ambakich:

East Keram Aion Ambakich Kambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*ndV-/_CV ndV [dV]
adze*ndana ndana

Initial laminal prenasalized voiced /*ndz/ has not yet been found in roots with more than one syllable.

Initial velar prenasalized voiced stop /*ŋg/ in roots with more than one syllable is dropped in Ap Ma along with the following vowel. Like all initial prenasalized voiced stops, it is often heard as a plain voiced stop [g] in Ambakich, but can also be heard as voiceless [k] though unlike initial /k/ (above) is never deoccluded:

East Keram Aion Ambakich Kambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock Barlow Wade
*ŋgV-/_CVŋgV [gV kV]ŋgV [ŋg g kV] Ø Ø
bee sp. *ŋgiwet ŋgwetʃ wit wet
fish trap *ŋgiwa ŋgwa wa(n)
die *ŋg[i]ɺu gu- aji- ɺuw-
grub sp. *ŋgɨmɨLɨk gəbələk ŋgɨmbɾɨk mɨlɨk miɺik
nose/front*ŋgɨp[i/ɨ] kəpә́ kɨpɨ pi ~ pɨ-pɨpi-
morning *ŋgɨmba[ɺ] gəβá ŋgɨmba
termite *ŋgɨka kəká ŋgɨka
knife *ŋgVje ŋge je jej
speech *ŋganɨ ŋganɨ nɨ(n) ni-ndima
today *ŋgVna ŋguna~ ŋgʷana
pig *ŋg[u]su gʷusũ ksu wusɪ-ndəmasu su-nduma
enemy *ŋgundza ŋgunda ndʒo(n)

It is sometimes impossible to distinguish initial /*ŋg/ from /*k/ (above) because the reconstruction is based upon a comparison between Ap Ma and West Keram where the distinction has been neutralized:

East Keram Aion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock Barlow Wade
*[k/ŋg]V-/_CV? ? Ø Ø Ø
night *[k/ŋg]ɨmbV mbɨ-ndanmbi-ndan
eagle sp.*[k/ŋg]amaŋgaɺ maŋgal
house *[k/ŋg]ap[ɨ/a] pa(-ndama)pa(n) pa-ndima
knowledge*[k/ŋg]oɺos ɺos

Initial bilabial non-stop /*w/ has not yet been found in roots with more than one syllable.

At least two examples suggest that apical non-stop /*ɺ/ may have occurred initially. Here the Kambaramba and Ap Ma reflexes are expected but Ambakich's ouright loss of /*ɺ/ is not; the correspondence is different from that of initial /*j/ (below):

East KeramAion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut Kambaramba Yamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock BarlowWade
*ɺV- V V jV Ø Ø
water *[ɺ]amɨ amə ~ amamɨ jamə-ndəma mɨ(n) mi-ndima
star/firefly*[ɺ]aŋgɨn aŋgən aŋgɨn jaŋgə-ndəmaŋgɨ(n)gi-ndima

Initial palatal non-stop /*j/ in roots with more than one syllable follows a different pattern from other consonants in this position as the first syllable is dropped in not only Ap Ma but also Ambakich; its former presence is discernable by comparison to West Keram River and by the fact that /*j/ when followed by nasals or prenasalized voiced stops in the onset of the following syllable (below) is not entirely dropped:

East Keram Aion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*jV-/_CVØ Ø Ø Ø Ø
crocodile*juwa wa wa-ndama wo(n) wo-nduma

One example is irregular in both languages and is most likely a loan:

East Keram Aion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*JV-/_CV jV jVjV
grandson*JaLum[a] jɛɾɪma jalum joɺum

When initial /*j/ is followed by a nasal or a prenasalized stop in the onset of the following syllable, it becomes velar nasal [*ŋ], a sound otherwise not found in proto-East Keram River. If the following consonant is /*ŋg/ this [*ŋ] disappears in Ambakich, otherwise it is realized as /ŋg/ [k ŋg] typically in a cluster with the following consonant. Like other consonants in roots with more than one syllable, both intiial /*j/ and the following vowel are dropped entirely in Ap Ma. That these roots originally had /*j/ is evident by comparison with West Keram River, where /*j/ in this environment is usually realized as apical nasal [n], and in the case of “mosquito” by comparison to numerous languages across the region:

East Keram Aion Ambakich Kambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock BarlowWade
*jV-/_mV ŋg [g]ŋg [g] Ø Ø Ø
man/husband*j[u]man ŋgɨman
canoe *jumu gumú ŋgɨmu mu-ndəma mu(n) mu-nduma
*jV-/_mbV ŋg [k]ŋg [g] Ø Ø Ø
slit drum *jumbu kuβú gɨmbu mbu-ndəma mbu(n)mbu-nduma
*jV-/_ŋgV Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø
mosquito *j[a]ŋgun[ɨ] gʷúnʉ ŋgunɨ ŋgʷu-ndumaŋgu(n)ŋgu-nduma
thorn *j[u]ŋg[o]ɺ[e/a] ŋgoja ~ ŋgʷaja ŋgole ŋgoɺe

Any consonant can occur medially.

Medial bilabial nasal /*m/ is generally retained as such in both languages:

East Keram Aion Ambakich Kambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock BarlowWade
*-m- m m m m m
loincloth *emɨɺ ɛmɨ́l emɨɾ me(n)
wife *[o]m[a] oma mo-nduma
wasp *kamu kom
child/young*kamu(-ndzi) kɔmu komo(-ndʒo)
eagle sp. *[k/ŋg]amaŋgaɺ maŋgal
water *[ɺ]amɨ amə ~ amamɨ jamə-ndəmamɨ(n) mi-ndima
man/husband*j[u]man ŋgɨman
canoe *jumu gumú ŋgɨmu mu-ndəma mu(n) mu-nduma

In one example medial /*m/ is occluded to /mb/ [b] in Ambakich, presumably because it has formed a cluster with following apical non-stop /*ɺ/:

East Keram Aion Ambakich Kambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock BarlowWade
*-m-/_ɨɺVmb [b]mb [b] m m
grub sp.*ŋgimɨLɨk gəbələk ŋgɨmbɾɨk mɨlɨk miɺik

In another medial /*m/ has disappeared in Ap Ma after forming a cluster with following velar prenasalized voiced stop /*ŋg/:

East Keram Aion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*-m-/_ɨŋgV Ø Ø Ø
betel seed*amɨŋgɨɺu ŋgluˑ ŋglu ŋguɺu

Medial apical nasal /*n/ is generally retained as such in both languages:

East KeramAion Ambakich Kambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock BarlowWade
*-n- n n n n n
banana tree*en[ɨ] ɛní enɨ
1 pl. *anɨ anɪ ~ ananɨ ~ anə anə ni ~ na
paddle *ana aná ana na- na- na-
2 pl. *[o/u]nɨ ɔnʊ ~ ɔnonɨ ~ ɔnə wun nu nu ~ no
adze *ndana ndana
speech *ŋganɨ ŋganɨ nɨ(n) ni-ndima
today *ŋgVna ŋguna~ ŋgʷana

When preceded by high front vowel /*i/, medial /*n/ is palatalized to [ɲ] in at least Ap Ma:

East Keram Aion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*-n-/i_ ɲ ɲ ɲ
mother*inam ɲam ɲam ɲam

Medial bilabial voiceless stop /*p/ is retained as such in both languages:

East Keram Aion Ambakich Kambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock Barlow Wade
*-p- p p p p p
fire *apɨ pə-ndəma pɨ(n) pi-ndima
banana bunch*apawa apa pawa ~ pa(n)
wing *mbapa bap-ək mbapɨ-ɾakpa pa pa
leaf *mbapa bapá mbapa pa-mbap
ball *mbopaw mbopa
breadfruit *kɨpa kəpá kɨpa
house *[k/ŋg]ap[ɨ/a] pa(-ndama)pa(n) pa-ndima
nose/front *ŋgɨp[i/ɨ] kəpә́ kɨpɨ pi ~ pɨ-pɨ pi-

Medial apical voiceless stop /*t/ is palatalized and affricated to /tʃ/ [tʲ tʃ s] in Ambakich:

East KeramAion Ambakich Kambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*-t- tʃ [tʃ s]t t t
father*at[ɨ] atʃo
top *ata ta(n) ta-ndima
mud *mbɨtiɺ mbɨsiɾ ti-ndima
mouth *kɨtin ksin tɨn tin tin
tie *kɨt[i/ɨ] kɨtʃɨ ti-
head *kati ɔtʲiˑ katʃi
cough *kuten kutʃen te(n) te-ndima

Medial laminal voiceless /*s/ is retained as such in both languages:

East KeramAion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*-s- s s s s s
pig*ŋg[u]su gʷusũ ksu wusɪ-ndəmasu su-nduma

Medial velar voiceless stop /*k/ is generally retained as such in both languages:

East KeramAion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*-k- k k k
locative *-ka -ka
groin *akɨɺɨn akɨn
new *akɨL[ɨ]n akən akɨɾɨn
scrape sago *okɨ okə -oki- ~ -oku-
banana flower*kokVɺ kokɨɾ
termite *ŋgɨka kəká ŋgɨka

One exception in which medial /*k/ is dropped in Ap Ma may be due to the simplification of derived cluster [*ɺk] or to being both preceded and followed by low central vowel /*a/; it's not possible to say without more examples:

East Keram Aion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*-[k]- k k Ø Ø Ø
lizard sp.*mbɨɺɨ[k]anpəkán mbɨkan aran lan ɺaan

Medial bilabial voiced prenasalized stop /*mb/ is retained as such in both languages, though is often denasalized to plain voiced [b] in Ambakich:

East Keram Aion Ambakich Kambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut Kambaramba Yamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock Barlow Wade
*-mb- mb [mb b ŋ]mb [mb b] mb [mb b]mb mb
cassowary *emban ɛmbán emban ba-ndama mba(n) mba-ndima
earth/ground *ambɨn mbɪn ~ mbin mbɨn mbi ~ mbin
men's house *amb[ɨ/a] amb-la ~ amb-ɾa mba-ɲammba-ndima
heart *m[o/u]mba mumbáʔ momba bɔ-ndama mbo(n) mbo
coconut shell*kambaɺ[e] baje mbale mbaɺe
aupa *kumbijambiɔmbi jɛmbi kʊmbijɛmbe mbʷijamḅ mbombia
morning *ŋgɨmba[ɺ] gəβá ŋgɨmba
slit drum *jumbu kuβú gɨmbu mbu-ndəma mbu(n) mbu-nduma

Medial apical voiced prenasalized stop /*nd/ is retained as such in both languages:

East KeramAion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock BarlowWade
*-nd- nd nd nd ndnd
that/there*anda anda(-n) nda
hunger *mundu ndu-nduma
forest *kand[i/ɨ]andɨ́ ~ ande
~ andə
kandɨ ndɪ-ndama ndi(n)ndi-ndima

Medial laminal prenasalized /*ndz/ is known from only one example, in which it is reflected as apical plain voiced [d] in Ambakich and as [ndʒ] in Ap Ma:

East KeramAion Ambakich Kambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock Barlow Wade
*-ndz- d ndʒ
enemy*ŋgundza gudə ~ guda ndʒo(n)

Medial velar prenasalized stop /*ŋg/ is generally retained as such in both languages:

East Keram Aion Ambakich Kambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut Kambaramba Yamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock Barlow Wade
*-ŋg- ŋg ŋg ŋg ŋg ŋg
in-law *iŋga ŋga ŋga ŋga
betel seed *amɨŋgɨɺu ŋgluˑ ŋglu ŋguɺu
two *ni-uŋg[o]n nuŋgʷun
~ nuŋgun
nuŋgun ɲuŋgʷɔn ɲiŋgon
~ ɲuŋgon
ɲiŋgon
~ ɲuŋgon
sister's child*[n/j][u]ŋgoɺ[o] ŋgolo ŋgoɺo
tail *k[o/u]ŋg[a]n uŋgan koŋgan
eagle sp. *[k/ŋg]amaŋgaɺ maŋgal
star/firefly *[ɺ]aŋgɨn aŋgən aŋgɨn jaŋgə-ndəmaŋgɨ(n) gi-ndima
mosquito *j[a]ŋgun[ɨ] gʷúnʉ ŋgunɨ ŋgʷu-nduma ŋgu(n) ŋgu-nduma
thorn *j[u]ŋg[o]ɺ[e/a] ŋgoja ~ ŋgʷaja ŋgole ŋgoɺe

In one example in which medial /*ŋg/ is followed by the sequence /*ij/ it is palatalized to /ndʒ/ in Ap Ma:

East Keram Aion Ambakich Kambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock Barlow Wade
*-ŋg-/_ijŋg ŋg ndʒ
left*aŋgijaŋga aŋgijaŋgəaŋgjɛŋga
~ aŋgjaŋga
ndʒaiŋga

Medial bilabial non-stop /*w/ …:

East KeramAion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock BarlowWade
*-w-
tooth *awɨɺ awul auɾ βaˑ wa ua
hair *awaɺ[e/a]awéja ~ -áwèjaawaja βaj wale waɺe
grandfather*awu aw au βau wau wau
rib(s) *MBew[a] mbewa mbeu mbeu
sleep (v.) *kawa owú- kawa uwa- -uwu-
one/a(n) *kɨwa kʷɔ ko wa
one *kɨwan koŋ -ɔŋ -ko(n)-oŋ ~ -aŋ
bee sp. *ŋgiwet ŋgwetʃ wit wet
fish trap *ŋgiwa ŋgwa wa(n)
crocodile *juwa wa wa-ndama wo(n) wo-nduma

… medial /*w/ …:

East KeramAion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock Barlow Wade
*-w-
grassland *ewa eja ewa
banana bunch*apawa apa pawa ~ pa(n)

… medial /*w/ …:

East KeramAion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*-w-
liver *ewan iman eman éwɔŋ ewaŋ ewoŋ
sago palm*ewan ɛman eman βaŋ waŋ waŋ

Medial apical non-stop /*ɺ/ …:

East Keram Aion Ambakich Kambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock BarlowWade
*-ɺ-
betel seed *amɨŋgɨɺu ŋgluˑ ŋglu ŋguɺu
groin *akɨɺɨn akɨn
hair *awaɺ[e/a] awéja ~ -áwèjaawaja βaj wale waɺe
sun/day *aɺim ɛm em ajɪm li ɺi-ndima
fat/grease *MBeɺ[o] bɛˑ mbe bájoˑ mbelo mbeɺo
sister's child*[n/j][u]ŋgoɺ[o] ŋgolo ŋgoɺo
coconut shell *kambaɺ[e] baje mbale mbaɺe
grass skirt *kaɺa kaja [kaɲa]
penis *koɺo uiˑ ~ ujiˑ koi wijɔ lo
die *ŋg[i]ɺu gu- aji- ɺuw-
knowledge *[k/ŋg]oɺos ɺos
thorn *j[u]ŋg[o]ɺ[e/a] ŋgoja ~ ŋgʷaja ŋgole ŋgoɺe

… /*ɺ/ …:

East KeramAion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock BarlowWade
*-ɺ-
spear*maɺa majɛ ~ majmaja na(n) na-ndima

Palatalization does not occur if word-medial /*ɺ/ is the initial consonant of a suffix:

East KeramAion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*(-)ɺ- l ɺ
irrealis*-ɺa -l -ɺa ~ -a

… /*ɺ/ …:

East KeramAion Ambakich Kambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*-L-
new *akɨL[ɨ]n akən akɨɾɨn
3 pl. *aLɨ al alɨ ~ aləal ~ alə ɺi ~ ɺa
cut/carve *uLu[m] uɾu
mosquito net*kaLɨ xalә́ kaɾɨ li(n) ɺi-ndima
cloud/sky *kaLa kalә́ kaɾa la(n) ɺa-ndima
grub sp. *ŋgɨmɨLɨk gəbələkŋgɨmbɾɨk mɨlɨk miɺik
grandson *JaLum[a] jɛɾɪma jalum joɺum

… /*ɺ/ …:

East KeramAion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock Barlow Wade
*-L-
tongue *miL[aw] mɪl miɾ mɪɲɔ́ ɲo ɲo
pandanus*mɨLa məlá mɨɾa lam (?)
urine *mɨLa məla mɨɾa na-lilena-ndima

Medial palatal non-stop /*j/ …

East Keram Aion Ambakich Kambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock Barlow Wade
*-j-
girl *ija ja(n) ja-ndima
left *aŋgijaŋga aŋgijaŋgə aŋgjɛŋga
~ aŋgjaŋga
ndʒaiŋga
lime *aji ajɪ ai aji ai ai
aupa *kumbijambiɔmbi jɛmbikʊmbijɛmbe mbʷijamḅ mbombia
knife*ŋgVje ŋge je jej

This loss is not discernible if /*j/ was preceded or followed by high front vowel /*i/:

East KeramAion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*-j-

Any consonant except for prenasalized voiced stops /*mb *nd *ndz *ŋg/ can occur finally.

Final bilabial nasal /*m/ is retained as such in both languages, though is not directly discernible in Ap Ma when a nominal is followed by article /-ndɨma/:

East KeramAion Ambakich Kambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock Barlow Wade
*-m m m m m m
mother *inam ɲam ɲam ɲam
grandmother*am am am
eat/drink *am am -am-
sun/day *aɺ[i/ɨ]m ɛm em ajɪm alɨm ~ li (?)ɺi-ndima
sew *kam kan ~ kam (?)

Final apical nasal /*n/ is generally retained as such in both languages, though is sometimes realized as velar /ŋ/ in Ap Ma for unknown reasons and is not directly discernible in Ap Ma when a nominal is followed by article /-ndɨma/:

East Keram Aion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut Kambaramba Yamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock Barlow Wade
*-n n n n [n ŋ] n [n ŋ] n [n ŋ]
cassowary *emban ɛmbán emban ba-ndama mba(n) mba-ndima
liver *ewan iman eman éwɔŋ ewaŋ ewoŋ
sago palm *ewan ɛman eman βaŋ waŋ waŋ
firewood *an an an an an an
give *an an an -n- an -an-
earth/ground*ambɨn mbɪn ~ mbin mbɨn mbi ~ mbin
groin *akɨɺɨn akɨn
new *akɨL[ɨ]n akən akɨɾɨn
lizard sp. *mbɨɺɨ[k]an pəkán mbɨkan aran lan ɺaan
two *ni-uŋg[o]n nuŋgʷun
~ nuŋgun
nuŋgun ɲuŋgʷɔn ɲiŋgon
~ ɲuŋgon
ɲiŋgon
~ ɲuŋgon
rain *nden nɛn nden jɛ-ndama le(n) ɺe-ndima
blood *sin sɪn sin sɛ-ndəma
~ sə-lale
si-lile si-ndima
mouth *kɨtin ksin tɨn tin tin
one *kɨwan koŋ -ɔŋ -ko(n) -oŋ ~ -aŋ
tail *k[o/u]ŋg[a]nuŋgan koŋgan
cough *kuten kutʃen te(n) te-ndima
star/firefly*[ɺ]aŋgɨn aŋgən aŋgɨn jaŋgə-ndəma ŋgɨ(n) gi-ndima
man/husband *j[u]man ŋgɨman

One example which has final /*n/ in West Keram and Ramu River has an unexplained final high central vowel /ɨ/ in Ambakich:

East Keram Aion Ambakich Kambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock BarlowWade
*-n nɨ [nʉ]nɨ [nɨ nə]n n n
mosquito*j[a]ŋgun[ɨ]gʷúnʉ ŋgunɨ ŋgʷu-ndumaŋgu(n)ŋgu-nduma

Final bilabial voiceless stop /*p/ is retained as such in both languages:

East KeramAion Ambakich Kambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock Barlow Wade
*-p p p p p p
be/stay *ep ep -ep -ep ~ -p-
perfective*-ap -ap -əp ~ -ap-p -ap -ap
arm/hand *ndop ndoˑp ~ dopndop jɔp- lo- (?)ɺop

Final apical voiceless stop /*t/, like medial /*t/ (above,) is palatalized and affricated to /tʃ/ in Ambakich:

East KeramAion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*-t t t
bee sp.*ŋgiwet ŋgwetʃ wit wet

Final laminal voiceless /*s/ is found in only one example which is based upon comparison to West Keram and is not attested for Ambakich:

East Keram Aion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*-s s
knowledge*[k/ŋg]oɺos ɺos

Final velar voiceless stop /*k/ is retained as such in both languages:

East KeramAion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*-k k k k k
grub sp.*ŋgɨmɨLɨk gəbələkŋgɨmbɾɨk mɨlɨk miɺik

Final bilabial non-stop /*w/ is lost in Ambakich:

East KeramAion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*-w Ø Ø w w w
hit *e[w] ɛ e e -ew- ~ -e-
ball *mbopaw mbopa
scrotum *tiw tʲi tʃi to to
vulva/vagina*ndziw ndʒi ndʒi ndʒo ndʒo
areca nut *kaw xa- ka aˑwu au au

Final apical non-stop /*ɺ/ is retained in Ambakich, unlike medial /*ɺ/ which is palatalized and deoccluded to /j/ (above,) and lost in Ap Ma:

East KeramAion Ambakich Kambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut Kambaramba Yamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*-ɺ l ɺ [l r]Ø Ø Ø
loincloth *emɨɺ ɛmɨ́l emɨɾ me(n)
tooth *awɨɺ awul auɾ βaˑ wa ua
outside *aɺ a(n) a-ndima
give *aɺ -al [?-a-l]
banana flower*kokVɺ kokɨɾ
mud *mbɨtiɺ mbɨsiɾ ti-ndima

One exception in which /*ɺ/ is retained in Ambakich may be a loan from West Keram River, although the initial syllable is dropped as expected:

East Keram Aion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*-ɺ l
eagle sp.*[k/ŋg]amaŋgaɺ maŋgal

Final palatal non-stop /*j/ is lost in Ambakich:

East KeramAion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*-j Ø Ø
sago jelly*kaj kaˑ ka

… vowels and diphthongs …

High front vowel /*i/ …:

East KeramAion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*i

High central vowel /*ɨ/ …:

East KeramAion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade

High back rounded vowel /*u/ …:

East KeramAion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*u
put in*u u-

… /*u/ …:

East KeramAion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock BarlowWade
*[o/u]
2 sg.*[o/u] u ~ wu u wu ~ wo
2 pl.*[o/u]nɨ ɔnu ~ ɔnonɨ wuni nu nu ~ no

…:

East KeramAion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*…

…:

East KeramAion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*…

…:

East KeramAion AmbakichKambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
LaycockBarlow Laycock BarlowWade
*…

Pronouns

East Keram River free pronouns are reconstructed as follows, with attestations drawn from Laycock (1971,) Wade (1984) and Barlow (2019):

East KeramAion Ambakich Kambot Ap Ma Botin
Angang Yaut KambarambaYamen Samban
Laycock Barlow Laycock Barlow Wade
1 sg.*ni ɲi ɲi ɲi ~ ɲa ɲi ɲi
2 sg.*[o/u] mbə mbɨ ~ mbəu ~ wu u wu ~ wo
3 sg.*ma ma ~ mɨ ma ma ~ mɨ ma-
1 pl.*anɨ anɪ ~ ananɨ ~ anəanə ndʒon [excl.]
wan [incl.]
ni ~ na
2 pl.*[o/u]nɨ ɔnʊ ~ ɔnonɨ ~ ɔnəwun nu nu ~ no
3 pl.*aLɨ al alɨ ~ aləal ~ alə ɺi ~ ɺa

Verbal morphology

[under construction]


Loans from neighboring languages

[under construction]