East Keram River
Timothy Usher, Santa Fe Institute
Situation
[under construction]
The East Keram River family consists of two languages, Ambakich and Ap Ma, spoken along the Keram river, in the swamps and grasslands to the west and to the east along the Porapora (Bien) river, in the Angoram subdistrict of Papua New Guinea’s East Sepik province (q.v. ….)
Subclassification
The internal classification of East Keram River is as follows:
East Keram River
Ambakich
Ap Ma
Sources
Laycock (1971) 280 comparative terms for Aion (Ambakich) of Angang village and 246 comparative terms for Kambot (Ap Ma) or Kambaramba village (digitalized by Russell Barlow)
Laycock and Z'graggen (1975: 758-759) pronouns for Kambot (Ap Ma)
Ross (CITE) pronouns for Aion following Laycock (1971)
Wade (1981: 15-29) 163 comparative terms for Botin (Ap Ma) of Samban, Punyaten, Simbir, Raten, Yamen, Lol, Wom, Kekton, Krogopa, Bobten, Kambot, Kambaramba, Bobaten, Pamban and Kambuku villages
Wade (1983) phonology of Botin of Samban village
Wade (1983) dictionary of Botin of Samban village
Wade (1984) grammar of Botin of Samban village
Wade (1994) sketch phonology of Botin of Samban village
Abbot (1985: 329-336) 95 comparative terms for Kambot of Kambaramba village
Pryor and Farr (1989) deictics of Botin of Samban and Paiñiten villages (Central dialect)
Pryor (1990) Botin deictics
Adam (n.d.) vocabulary of Kambaramba (Ap Ma) provided in spreadsheet form by Paul Whitehouse via the Summer Institute of Linguistics
Sanders (n.d.) vocabulary of Aion provided in spreadsheet form by Paul Whitehouse via the Summer Institute of Linguistics
Potter, Lambrecht, Alemán and Janzen (2008: 60-65) 156 comparative terms for Ambakich of Yaut, Agurant, Ombos, Pangin and Arango villages
Barlow (2019) 757 comparative terms for Ambakich of Yaut village and Ap Ma of Yamen village
Barlow (2021) phonology of Ambakich of Yaut village
(We thank Pioneer Bible Translators of Madang and Martha Wade for access to her unpublished materials.)
Historical phonology
[under construction]
Proto-East Keram River had 13 consonants and 6 vowels as folows:
*m | *n | ||
*p | *t | *s | *k |
*mb | *nd | *ndz | *ŋg |
*w | *ɺ | *j |
*i | *ɨ | *u |
*e | *o | |
*a |
…
…
Only a limited subset of consonants occurs finally:
*m | *n | ||
*p | *t | *s | *k |
*w | *ɺ | *j |
…
Initial consonants in monosyllables correpsond as follows:
East Keram | Ambakich | Kambaramba | Ap Ma |
*m-/_V(C)# | m | m | m |
*n-/_V(C)# | ? | ? | ? |
*n-/_i(C)# | ɲ | ɲ | ɲ |
*p-/_V(C)# | ? | ? | ? |
*t-/_V(C)# | tʃ | t | t |
*s-/_V(C)# | s | s | s |
*k-/_V(C)# | k | Ø | Ø |
*mb-/_V(C)# | ? | ? | ? |
*nd-/_V(C)# | nd | ɺ | ɺ |
*ndz-/_V(C)# | ndʒ | ndʒ | ndʒ |
*ŋg-/_V(C)# | ŋg | ŋg | ŋg |
*w-/_V(C)# | w | w | w |
*ɺ-/_V(C)# | ? | ? | ? |
*j-/_V(C)# | dʒ | ? | j |
Initial consonants in roots with more than one syllable correspond as follows:
East Keram | Ambakich | Kambaramba | Ap Ma |
*mV- | mV | Ø | |
*nV- | nV | Ø | |
*pV- | pV | Ø | |
*tV- | |||
*sV- | |||
*kV- | kV | Ø | |
*mbV- | mbV | Ø | |
*ndV- | ndV | Ø | |
*ndzV- | |||
*ŋgV- | ŋgV | Ø | |
*wV- | |||
*ɺV- | V | jV | Ø |
*jV-/_N | |||
*jV-/_C |
Medial consonants correspond as follows:
East Keram | Ambakich | Kambaramba | Ap Ma |
*-m- | m | m | m |
*-n- | n | n | n |
*-n-/_i | ? | ɲ | ɲ |
*-p- | p | p | p |
*-t- | tʃ | t | t |
*-s- | s | s | s |
*-k- | k | ? | k |
*-mb- | mb | mb | mb |
*-nd- | nd- | nd- | nd- |
*-ndz- | d | ? | ndʒ |
*-ŋg- | ŋg | ŋg | ŋg |
*-w- | w | w | w |
*-w- | Ø | w | w |
*-w-/_Vn | m | w | w |
*-ɺ- | j | j | ɺ |
*-ɺ- | j | j | ɺ |
*-ɺ-/mV_ | j | n | |
*-j- | Ø | ? | j |
Final consonants correspond as follows:
East Keram | Ambakich | Kambaramba | Ap Ma |
*-m | m | m | m |
*-n | n | n | n |
*-p | p | p | p |
*-t | tʃ | ? | t |
*-s | ? | ? | s |
*-k | k | ? | k |
*-w | Ø | w | w |
*-ɺ | ɺ | Ø | Ø |
*-j | Ø | ? | ? |
Vowels correspond as follows:
…
These correspondences are exemplified as follows, with ….
Any consonant besides perhaps apical non-stop /*ɺ/ (below) can occur initially. Initial consonants in monosyllables are generally retained as such in both languages.
Initial bilabial nasal /*m/ in monosyllables is retained as such in both languages:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*m-/_V# | m | m | m | m | m | |
excrement | *mi | mi | mi | |||
possum | *me | mɛˑ | me | me(n) | ||
go | *m[a] | m | m | m- | m- | m- |
3 sg. | *ma | mə | ma ~ mɨ | ma | ma ~ mɨ | ma- |
All three known examples of initial apical nasal /*n/ in monosyllables are followed by high front vowel /*i/, which induces palatalization to [ɲ] in both languages:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*n-/_i# | n [n ɲ] | n [ɲ] | n [ɲ] | n [ɲ] | n [ɲ] | |
1 sg. | *ni | ɲi | ɲi | ɲi | ɲi | ɲi |
yesterday | *ni | ɲɪ-me ~ ɲi-me | ɲi(-ndan) | ɲe-ndan | ||
two | *ni-uŋg[o]n | nuŋgʷun ~ nuŋgun | nuŋgun | ɲuŋgʷɔn | ɲiŋgon ~ ɲuŋgon | ɲiŋgon ~ ɲuŋgon |
Bilabial voiceless stop /*p/ has not yet been found word-initially, though it seems probable that one existed.
Apical voiceless stop /*t/ has been firmly established in only one root, in whcih it /*t/ is palatalized and affricated to /tʃ/ [tʲ tʃ] in Ambakich:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*t-/_VC# | tʲ | tʃ | t | t | ||
scrotum | *tiw | tʲi | tʃi | to | to |
Initial laminal voiceless /*s/ in monosyllables is retained as such in both languages:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*s-/_V(C)# | s | s | s | s | s | |
thing (pl.) | *si | si-ndima | ||||
come | *si | si | sɪ- | si | si- | |
blood | *sin | sɪn | sin | sɛ-ndəma ~ sə-lale | si-lile | si-ndima |
Initial velar voiceless stop /*k/ in monosyllables is lost in Ap Ma, a change shared with Ulwa of the West Keram River family:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*k-/_V(C)# | k [k x] | k | Ø | Ø | Ø | |
speak | *kɨ | kɨ | a- | |||
sew | *kam | kan ~ kam | ||||
areca nut | *kaw | xa- | ka | aˑwu | au | au |
sago jelly | *kaj | kaˑ | ka |
No clear example of initial bilabial prenasalized voiced stop /*mb/ in monosyllables has been found.
Initial apical prenasalized voiced stop /*nd/ in monosyllables is becomes non-stop /ɺ/ in Ap Ma before merging with palatal /j/ in the Kambaramba dialect:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*nd-/_V(C)# | nd [nd d] | nd [nd d] | j | l | ɺ | |
rain | *nden | nɛn (?) | nden | jɛ-ndama | le(n) | ɺe-ndima |
arm/hand | *ndop | ndoˑp ~ dop | ndop | jɔp- | lo- | ɺop |
Initial laminal prenasalized voiced /*ndz/ in monosyllables is reflected as /ndʒ/ in both languages:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*ndz-/_V# | ndʒ | ndʒ | ndʒ | ndʒ | ndʒ | |
thing (sg.) | *ndzi | ndʒi | ndʒi-ndima | |||
vulva/vagina | *ndziw | ndʒi | ndʒi | ndʒo | ndʒo |
Initial velar prenasalized voiced stop /*ŋg/ in monosyllables is retained as such in both languages:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*ŋg-/_V# | ŋg | ŋg | ŋg | |||
this/here | *ŋga | ŋgan ~ ŋgɪn | ŋgɨ ~ ŋgan | ga | ŋga |
Initial bilabial non-stop /*w/ in monosyllables is probably retained as such in both languages but the only known example, based upon comparison to West Keram, is not attested for Ap Ma:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*w-/_V# | w | |||||
burn | *w[a] | w- ~ wa |
No examples of initial apical non-stop /*ɺ/ in monosyllables have been found
Initial palatal non-stop /*j/ in monosyllables is occluded to affricate [dʒ] in Ambakich:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*j-/_V# | dʒ | j | j | |||
name | *ju | dʒi | ju(n) | ju-nduma |
In roots with more than one syllable, not only the initial consonant but also the following vowel is dropped in Ap Ma, an areal process which affects also most Ramu River languages.
Initial bilabial nasal /*m/ in roots with more than one syllable is dropped in Ap Ma along with the following vowel:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*mV-/_CV | mV | mV | Ø | Ø | Ø | |
tongue | *miL[aw] | mɪl | miɾ | mɪɲɔ́ | ɲo | ɲo |
pandanus | *mɨLa | məlá | mɨɾa | lam (?) | ||
urine | *mɨLa | məla | mɨɾa | na-lile | na-ndima | |
spear | *maɺa | majɛ ~ maj | maja | na(n) | na-ndima | |
heart | *m[o/u]mba | mumbáʔ | momba | bɔ-ndama | mbo(n) | mbo |
hunger | *mundu | ndu-nduma |
No clear examples of apical nasal /*n/ in roots with more than one syllable have been found, though it's probable that it would follow the same pattern as does /*m/ (above.)
Bilabial voiceless stop /*p/ has not yet been found word-initially, though it seems probable that one existed.
No clear examples of apical voiceless stop /*t/ in roots with more than one syllable have been found, though we can probably assume that it is palatalized and affricated to /tʃ/ [tʲ tʃ s] in Ambakich and is lost along with the following vowel in Ap Ma.
No clear examples of laminal voiceless /*s/ in native roots with more than one syllable have been found, though it's probable that it would follow the same pattern as do other consonants. One example in which apparent initial /*s/ is not dropped in Ap Ma is a regional loan, and its reflex in Ambakich /tʃ/ suggests /*t/ (cf. medial /*t/ below):
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*SV-/_CV | tʲV | tʃ | sV | sV | sV | |
tobacco | *S[o/u]ke | tʲukʷej ~ tʲukej | tʃuke | sɔ́gej ~ sɔkʷej | soke | soke |
Initial velar voiceless stop /*k/ in roots with more than one syllable is dropped in Ap Ma along with the following vowel. This /k/ is often heard in Ambakich as uvular [q] or glottal stop [ʔ] with which it appears to be in free variation (Barlow p.c. 2020, q.v. Potter, Lambrecht, Alemán and Janzen 2008: 60-65):
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*kV-/_CV | kV [kV V] | kV [k q ʔV] | Ø | Ø | Ø | |
breadfruit | *kɨpa | kəpá | kɨpa | |||
mouth | *kɨtin | ksin | tɨn | tin | tin | |
tie | *kɨt[i/ɨ] | kɨtʃɨ | ti- | |||
one/a(n) | *kɨwa | kʷɔ | ko | wa | ||
wasp | *kamu | kom | ||||
child/young | *kamu(-ndzi) | kɔmu | komu(-ndʒo) | |||
head | *kati | ɔtʲiˑ | katʃi | |||
forest | *kand[i/ɨ] | andɨ́ ~ ande ~ andə | kandɨ | ndɪ-ndama | ndi(n) | ndi-ndima |
sleep (v.) | *kawa | owú- | kawa | uwa- | -uwu- | |
grass skirt | *kaɺa | kaja [kaɲa] | ||||
cloud/sky | *kaLa | kalә́ | kaɾa | la(n) | ɺa-ndima | |
mosquito net | *kaLɨ | xalә́ | kaɾɨ | li(n) | ɺi-ndima | |
banana flower | *kokVɺ | kokɨɾ | ||||
penis | *koɺo | uiˑ ~ ujiˑ | koi | wijɔ | lo | |
tail | *k[o/u]ŋg[a]n | uŋgan | koŋgan | |||
aupa | *kumbijambi | ɔmbi jɛmbi | kʊmbijɛmbe | mbʷijamḅ | mbombia | |
cough | *kuten | kutʃen | te(n) | te-ndima |
One example in which Ambakich also drops the vowel of the initial syllable may be due to the fact that it is a trisyllable, or it is a loan from Ap Ma, in which case the initial would be ambiguous between /*k/ and /*ŋg/ (below):
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*kV-/_CV | Ø | Ø | Ø | |||
coconut shell | *kambaɺ[e] | baje | mbale | mbaɺe |
In one example, Barlow's Ap Ma though not Wade's or Laycock's preserves initial /*kV/ because it is the second member of a compound:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*(-)kV-/_CV | kV | V | kV | V | ||
five | *ndop kɨwan | dɔ-kɔ | ndop koŋ | jɔp-ɔŋ | lo-ko(n) | ɺop-ɔŋ ~ ɺap-aŋ |
Other seeming exceptions are presumed to be loans; the first from … and the second from Waran (Banaro [koɲim] “spirits of nature” Z'graggen 1972):
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*KV-/_CV | kV [V] | kV [kV ʔV] | kV | kV | kV | |
chicken | *KokoL | akál | kokoɾ | kɔkɔl | kokol | kokoɺ |
spirit sp. | *K[o/u]nijam | kuɪɲam | koɲɨm | koɲim |
Initial bilabial prenasalized voiced stop /*mb/ in roots with more than one syllable is generally dropped in Ap Ma along with the following vowel. Like all initial prenasalized voiced stops, it is often heard as a plain voiced stop [b] in Ambakich:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*mbV-/_CV | mbV [bV] | mbV [bV] | Ø | Ø | Ø | |
mud | *mbɨtiɺ | mbɨsiɾ | ti-ndima | |||
lizard sp. | *mbɨɺɨ[k]an | pəkán (?) | mbɨkan | aran | lan | ɺaan |
wing | *mbapa | bap-ək | mbapɨ-ɾak | pa | pa | pa |
leaf | *mbapa | bapá | mbapa | pa-mbap | ||
ball | *mbopaw | mbopa |
There are two puzzling exceptions in which the initial syllable is preserved in Ap Ma , perhaps because they are loans or due to some phonological feature which isn't yet understood:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*MBV-/_CV | mbV [bV] | mbV [bV] | mbV [bV] | mbV | mbV | |
rib(s) | *MBew[a] | mbewa | mbeu | mbeu | ||
fat/grease | *MBeɺ[o] | bɛˑ | mbe | bájoˑ | mbelo | mbeɺo |
Initial apical prenasalized voiced stop /*nd/ in roots with more than one syllable would presumably follow the same pattern as /*mb/ (above) but the only known example, based upon ccomparison to West Keram, is not attested for Ap Ma. Like all initial prenasalized voiced stops, it is often heard as a plain voiced stop [d] in Ambakich:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*ndV-/_CV | ndV [dV] | |||||
adze | *ndana | ndana |
Initial laminal prenasalized voiced /*ndz/ has not yet been found in roots with more than one syllable.
Initial velar prenasalized voiced stop /*ŋg/ in roots with more than one syllable is dropped in Ap Ma along with the following vowel. Like all initial prenasalized voiced stops, it is often heard as a plain voiced stop [g] in Ambakich, but can also be heard as voiceless [k] though unlike initial /k/ (above) is never deoccluded:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*ŋgV-/_CV | ŋgV [gV kV] | ŋgV [ŋg g kV] | Ø | Ø | ||
bee sp. | *ŋgiwet | ŋgwetʃ | wit | wet | ||
fish trap | *ŋgiwa | ŋgwa | wa(n) | |||
die | *ŋg[i]ɺu | gu- | aji- | ɺuw- | ||
grub sp. | *ŋgɨmɨLɨk | gəbələk | ŋgɨmbɾɨk | mɨlɨk | miɺik | |
nose/front | *ŋgɨp[i/ɨ] | kəpә́ | kɨpɨ | pi ~ pɨ-pɨ | pi- | |
morning | *ŋgɨmba[ɺ] | gəβá | ŋgɨmba | |||
termite | *ŋgɨka | kəká | ŋgɨka | |||
knife | *ŋgVje | ŋge | je | jej | ||
speech | *ŋganɨ | ŋganɨ | nɨ(n) | ni-ndima | ||
today | *ŋgVna | ŋguna~ ŋgʷana | ||||
pig | *ŋg[u]su | gʷusũ | ksu | wusɪ-ndəma | su | su-nduma |
enemy | *ŋgundza | ŋgunda | ndʒo(n) |
It is sometimes impossible to distinguish initial /*ŋg/ from /*k/ (above) because the reconstruction is based upon a comparison between Ap Ma and West Keram where the distinction has been neutralized:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*[k/ŋg]V-/_CV | ? | ? | Ø | Ø | Ø | |
night | *[k/ŋg]ɨmbV | mbɨ-ndan | mbi-ndan | |||
eagle sp. | *[k/ŋg]amaŋgaɺ | maŋgal | ||||
house | *[k/ŋg]ap[ɨ/a] | pa(-ndama) | pa(n) | pa-ndima | ||
knowledge | *[k/ŋg]oɺos | ɺos |
Initial bilabial non-stop /*w/ has not yet been found in roots with more than one syllable.
At least two examples suggest that apical non-stop /*ɺ/ may have occurred initially. Here the Kambaramba and Ap Ma reflexes are expected but Ambakich's ouright loss of /*ɺ/ is not; the correspondence is different from that of initial /*j/ (below):
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*ɺV- | V | V | jV | Ø | Ø | |
water | *[ɺ]amɨ | amə ~ am | amɨ | jamə-ndəma | mɨ(n) | mi-ndima |
star/firefly | *[ɺ]aŋgɨn | aŋgən | aŋgɨn | jaŋgə-ndəma | ŋgɨ(n) | gi-ndima |
Initial palatal non-stop /*j/ in roots with more than one syllable follows a different pattern from other consonants in this position as the first syllable is dropped in not only Ap Ma but also Ambakich; its former presence is discernable by comparison to West Keram River and by the fact that /*j/ when followed by nasals or prenasalized voiced stops in the onset of the following syllable (below) is not entirely dropped:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*jV-/_CV | Ø | Ø | Ø | Ø | Ø | |
crocodile | *juwa | wə | wa | wa-ndama | wo(n) | wo-nduma |
One example is irregular in both languages and is most likely a loan:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*JV-/_CV | jV | jV | jV | |||
grandson | *JaLum[a] | jɛɾɪma | jalum | joɺum |
When initial /*j/ is followed by a nasal or a prenasalized stop in the onset of the following syllable, it becomes velar nasal [*ŋ], a sound otherwise not found in proto-East Keram River. If the following consonant is /*ŋg/ this [*ŋ] disappears in Ambakich, otherwise it is realized as /ŋg/ [k ŋg] typically in a cluster with the following consonant. Like other consonants in roots with more than one syllable, both intiial /*j/ and the following vowel are dropped entirely in Ap Ma. That these roots originally had /*j/ is evident by comparison with West Keram River, where /*j/ in this environment is usually realized as apical nasal [n], and in the case of “mosquito” by comparison to numerous languages across the region:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*jV-/_mV | ŋg [g] | ŋg [g] | Ø | Ø | Ø | |
man/husband | *j[u]man | ŋgɨman | ||||
canoe | *jumu | gumú | ŋgɨmu | mu-ndəma | mu(n) | mu-nduma |
*jV-/_mbV | ŋg [k] | ŋg [g] | Ø | Ø | Ø | |
slit drum | *jumbu | kuβú | gɨmbu | mbu-ndəma | mbu(n) | mbu-nduma |
*jV-/_ŋgV | Ø | Ø | Ø | Ø | Ø | |
mosquito | *j[a]ŋgun[ɨ] | gʷúnʉ | ŋgunɨ | ŋgʷu-nduma | ŋgu(n) | ŋgu-nduma |
thorn | *j[u]ŋg[o]ɺ[e/a] | ŋgoja ~ ŋgʷaja | ŋgole | ŋgoɺe |
Any consonant can occur medially.
Medial bilabial nasal /*m/ is generally retained as such in both languages:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-m- | m | m | m | m | m | |
loincloth | *emɨɺ | ɛmɨ́l | emɨɾ | me(n) | ||
wife | *[o]m[a] | oma | mo-nduma | |||
wasp | *kamu | kom | ||||
child/young | *kamu(-ndzi) | kɔmu | komo(-ndʒo) | |||
eagle sp. | *[k/ŋg]amaŋgaɺ | maŋgal | ||||
water | *[ɺ]amɨ | amə ~ am | amɨ | jamə-ndəma | mɨ(n) | mi-ndima |
man/husband | *j[u]man | ŋgɨman | ||||
canoe | *jumu | gumú | ŋgɨmu | mu-ndəma | mu(n) | mu-nduma |
In one example medial /*m/ is occluded to /mb/ [b] in Ambakich, presumably because it has formed a cluster with following apical non-stop /*ɺ/:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-m-/_ɨɺV | mb [b] | mb [b] | m | m | ||
grub sp. | *ŋgimɨLɨk | gəbələk | ŋgɨmbɾɨk | mɨlɨk | miɺik |
In another medial /*m/ has disappeared in Ap Ma after forming a cluster with following velar prenasalized voiced stop /*ŋg/:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-m-/_ɨŋgV | Ø | Ø | Ø | |||
betel seed | *amɨŋgɨɺu | ŋgluˑ | ŋglu | ŋguɺu |
Medial apical nasal /*n/ is generally retained as such in both languages:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-n- | n | n | n | n | n | |
banana tree | *en[ɨ] | ɛní | enɨ | |||
1 pl. | *anɨ | anɪ ~ an | anɨ ~ anə | anə | ni ~ na | |
paddle | *ana | aná | ana | na- | na- | na- |
2 pl. | *[o/u]nɨ | ɔnʊ ~ ɔn | onɨ ~ ɔnə | wun | nu | nu ~ no |
adze | *ndana | ndana | ||||
speech | *ŋganɨ | ŋganɨ | nɨ(n) | ni-ndima | ||
today | *ŋgVna | ŋguna~ ŋgʷana |
When preceded by high front vowel /*i/, medial /*n/ is palatalized to [ɲ] in at least Ap Ma:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-n-/i_ | ɲ | ɲ | ɲ | |||
mother | *inam | ɲam | ɲam | ɲam |
Medial bilabial voiceless stop /*p/ is retained as such in both languages:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-p- | p | p | p | p | p | |
fire | *apɨ | pə-ndəma | pɨ(n) | pi-ndima | ||
banana bunch | *apawa | apa | pawa ~ pa(n) | |||
wing | *mbapa | bap-ək | mbapɨ-ɾak | pa | pa | pa |
leaf | *mbapa | bapá | mbapa | pa-mbap | ||
ball | *mbopaw | mbopa | ||||
breadfruit | *kɨpa | kəpá | kɨpa | |||
house | *[k/ŋg]ap[ɨ/a] | pa(-ndama) | pa(n) | pa-ndima | ||
nose/front | *ŋgɨp[i/ɨ] | kəpә́ | kɨpɨ | pi ~ pɨ-pɨ | pi- |
Medial apical voiceless stop /*t/ is palatalized and affricated to /tʃ/ [tʲ tʃ s] in Ambakich:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-t- | tʲ | tʃ [tʃ s] | t | t | t | |
father | *at[ɨ] | atʃo | ||||
top | *ata | ta(n) | ta-ndima | |||
mud | *mbɨtiɺ | mbɨsiɾ | ti-ndima | |||
mouth | *kɨtin | ksin | tɨn | tin | tin | |
tie | *kɨt[i/ɨ] | kɨtʃɨ | ti- | |||
head | *kati | ɔtʲiˑ | katʃi | |||
cough | *kuten | kutʃen | te(n) | te-ndima |
Medial laminal voiceless /*s/ is retained as such in both languages:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-s- | s | s | s | s | s | |
pig | *ŋg[u]su | gʷusũ | ksu | wusɪ-ndəma | su | su-nduma |
Medial velar voiceless stop /*k/ is generally retained as such in both languages:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-k- | k | k | k | |||
locative | *-ka | -ka | ||||
groin | *akɨɺɨn | akɨn | ||||
new | *akɨL[ɨ]n | akən | akɨɾɨn | |||
scrape sago | *okɨ | okə | -oki- ~ -oku- | |||
banana flower | *kokVɺ | kokɨɾ | ||||
termite | *ŋgɨka | kəká | ŋgɨka |
One exception in which medial /*k/ is dropped in Ap Ma may be due to the simplification of derived cluster [*ɺk] or to being both preceded and followed by low central vowel /*a/; it's not possible to say without more examples:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-[k]- | k | k | Ø | Ø | Ø | |
lizard sp. | *mbɨɺɨ[k]an | pəkán | mbɨkan | aran | lan | ɺaan |
Medial bilabial voiced prenasalized stop /*mb/ is retained as such in both languages, though is often denasalized to plain voiced [b] in Ambakich:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-mb- | mb [mb b ŋ] | mb [mb b] | mb [mb b] | mb | mb | |
cassowary | *emban | ɛmbán | emban | ba-ndama | mba(n) | mba-ndima |
earth/ground | *ambɨn | mbɪn ~ mbin | mbɨn | mbi ~ mbin | ||
men's house | *amb[ɨ/a] | amb-la ~ amb-ɾa | mba-ɲam | mba-ndima | ||
heart | *m[o/u]mba | mumbáʔ | momba | bɔ-ndama | mbo(n) | mbo |
coconut shell | *kambaɺ[e] | baje | mbale | mbaɺe | ||
aupa | *kumbijambi | ɔmbi jɛmbi | kʊmbijɛmbe | mbʷijamḅ | mbombia | |
morning | *ŋgɨmba[ɺ] | gəβá | ŋgɨmba | |||
slit drum | *jumbu | kuβú | gɨmbu | mbu-ndəma | mbu(n) | mbu-nduma |
Medial apical voiced prenasalized stop /*nd/ is retained as such in both languages:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-nd- | nd | nd | nd | nd | nd | |
that/there | *anda | anda(-n) | nda | |||
hunger | *mundu | ndu-nduma | ||||
forest | *kand[i/ɨ] | andɨ́ ~ ande ~ andə | kandɨ | ndɪ-ndama | ndi(n) | ndi-ndima |
Medial laminal prenasalized /*ndz/ is known from only one example, in which it is reflected as apical plain voiced [d] in Ambakich and as [ndʒ] in Ap Ma:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-ndz- | d | ndʒ | ||||
enemy | *ŋgundza | gudə ~ guda | ndʒo(n) |
Medial velar prenasalized stop /*ŋg/ is generally retained as such in both languages:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-ŋg- | ŋg | ŋg | ŋg | ŋg | ŋg | |
in-law | *iŋga | ŋga | ŋga | ŋga | ||
betel seed | *amɨŋgɨɺu | ŋgluˑ | ŋglu | ŋguɺu | ||
two | *ni-uŋg[o]n | nuŋgʷun ~ nuŋgun | nuŋgun | ɲuŋgʷɔn | ɲiŋgon ~ ɲuŋgon | ɲiŋgon ~ ɲuŋgon |
sister's child | *[n/j][u]ŋgoɺ[o] | ŋgolo | ŋgoɺo | |||
tail | *k[o/u]ŋg[a]n | uŋgan | koŋgan | |||
eagle sp. | *[k/ŋg]amaŋgaɺ | maŋgal | ||||
star/firefly | *[ɺ]aŋgɨn | aŋgən | aŋgɨn | jaŋgə-ndəma | ŋgɨ(n) | gi-ndima |
mosquito | *j[a]ŋgun[ɨ] | gʷúnʉ | ŋgunɨ | ŋgʷu-nduma | ŋgu(n) | ŋgu-nduma |
thorn | *j[u]ŋg[o]ɺ[e/a] | ŋgoja ~ ŋgʷaja | ŋgole | ŋgoɺe |
In one example in which medial /*ŋg/ is followed by the sequence /*ij/ it is palatalized to /ndʒ/ in Ap Ma:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-ŋg-/_ij | ŋg | ŋg | ndʒ | |||
left | *aŋgijaŋga | aŋgijaŋgə | aŋgjɛŋga ~ aŋgjaŋga | ndʒaiŋga |
Medial bilabial non-stop /*w/ …:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-w- | ||||||
tooth | *awɨɺ | awul | auɾ | βaˑ | wa | ua |
hair | *awaɺ[e/a] | awéja ~ -áwèja | awaja | βaj | wale | waɺe |
grandfather | *awu | aw | au | βau | wau | wau |
rib(s) | *MBew[a] | mbewa | mbeu | mbeu | ||
sleep (v.) | *kawa | owú- | kawa | uwa- | -uwu- | |
one/a(n) | *kɨwa | kʷɔ | ko | wa | ||
one | *kɨwan | koŋ | -ɔŋ | -ko(n) | -oŋ ~ -aŋ | |
bee sp. | *ŋgiwet | ŋgwetʃ | wit | wet | ||
fish trap | *ŋgiwa | ŋgwa | wa(n) | |||
crocodile | *juwa | wə | wa | wa-ndama | wo(n) | wo-nduma |
… medial /*w/ …:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-w- | ||||||
grassland | *ewa | eja | ewa | |||
banana bunch | *apawa | apa | pawa ~ pa(n) |
… medial /*w/ …:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-w- | ||||||
liver | *ewan | iman | eman | éwɔŋ | ewaŋ | ewoŋ |
sago palm | *ewan | ɛman | eman | βaŋ | waŋ | waŋ |
Medial apical non-stop /*ɺ/ …:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-ɺ- | ||||||
betel seed | *amɨŋgɨɺu | ŋgluˑ | ŋglu | ŋguɺu | ||
groin | *akɨɺɨn | akɨn | ||||
hair | *awaɺ[e/a] | awéja ~ -áwèja | awaja | βaj | wale | waɺe |
sun/day | *aɺim | ɛm | em | ajɪm | li | ɺi-ndima |
fat/grease | *MBeɺ[o] | bɛˑ | mbe | bájoˑ | mbelo | mbeɺo |
sister's child | *[n/j][u]ŋgoɺ[o] | ŋgolo | ŋgoɺo | |||
coconut shell | *kambaɺ[e] | baje | mbale | mbaɺe | ||
grass skirt | *kaɺa | kaja [kaɲa] | ||||
penis | *koɺo | uiˑ ~ ujiˑ | koi | wijɔ | lo | |
die | *ŋg[i]ɺu | gu- | aji- | ɺuw- | ||
knowledge | *[k/ŋg]oɺos | ɺos | ||||
thorn | *j[u]ŋg[o]ɺ[e/a] | ŋgoja ~ ŋgʷaja | ŋgole | ŋgoɺe |
… /*ɺ/ …:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-ɺ- | ||||||
spear | *maɺa | majɛ ~ maj | maja | na(n) | na-ndima |
Palatalization does not occur if word-medial /*ɺ/ is the initial consonant of a suffix:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*(-)ɺ- | l | ɺ | ||||
irrealis | *-ɺa | -l | -ɺa ~ -a |
… /*ɺ/ …:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-L- | ||||||
new | *akɨL[ɨ]n | akən | akɨɾɨn | |||
3 pl. | *aLɨ | al | alɨ ~ alə | al ~ alə | lɨ | ɺi ~ ɺa |
cut/carve | *uLu[m] | uɾu | ||||
mosquito net | *kaLɨ | xalә́ | kaɾɨ | li(n) | ɺi-ndima | |
cloud/sky | *kaLa | kalә́ | kaɾa | la(n) | ɺa-ndima | |
grub sp. | *ŋgɨmɨLɨk | gəbələk | ŋgɨmbɾɨk | mɨlɨk | miɺik | |
grandson | *JaLum[a] | jɛɾɪma | jalum | joɺum |
… /*ɺ/ …:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-L- | ||||||
tongue | *miL[aw] | mɪl | miɾ | mɪɲɔ́ | ɲo | ɲo |
pandanus | *mɨLa | məlá | mɨɾa | lam (?) | ||
urine | *mɨLa | məla | mɨɾa | na-lile | na-ndima |
Medial palatal non-stop /*j/ …
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-j- | ||||||
girl | *ija | ja(n) | ja-ndima | |||
left | *aŋgijaŋga | aŋgijaŋgə | aŋgjɛŋga ~ aŋgjaŋga | ndʒaiŋga | ||
lime | *aji | ajɪ | ai | aji | ai | ai |
aupa | *kumbijambi | ɔmbi jɛmbi | kʊmbijɛmbe | mbʷijamḅ | mbombia | |
knife | *ŋgVje | ŋge | je | jej |
This loss is not discernible if /*j/ was preceded or followed by high front vowel /*i/:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | |
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | |
*-j- |
Any consonant except for prenasalized voiced stops /*mb *nd *ndz *ŋg/ can occur finally.
Final bilabial nasal /*m/ is retained as such in both languages, though is not directly discernible in Ap Ma when a nominal is followed by article /-ndɨma/:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-m | m | m | m | m | m | |
mother | *inam | ɲam | ɲam | ɲam | ||
grandmother | *am | am | am | |||
eat/drink | *am | am | -am- | |||
sun/day | *aɺ[i/ɨ]m | ɛm | em | ajɪm | alɨm ~ li (?) | ɺi-ndima |
sew | *kam | kan ~ kam (?) |
Final apical nasal /*n/ is generally retained as such in both languages, though is sometimes realized as velar /ŋ/ in Ap Ma for unknown reasons and is not directly discernible in Ap Ma when a nominal is followed by article /-ndɨma/:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-n | n | n | n [n ŋ] | n [n ŋ] | n [n ŋ] | |
cassowary | *emban | ɛmbán | emban | ba-ndama | mba(n) | mba-ndima |
liver | *ewan | iman | eman | éwɔŋ | ewaŋ | ewoŋ |
sago palm | *ewan | ɛman | eman | βaŋ | waŋ | waŋ |
firewood | *an | an | an | an | an | an |
give | *an | an | an | -n- | an | -an- |
earth/ground | *ambɨn | mbɪn ~ mbin | mbɨn | mbi ~ mbin | ||
groin | *akɨɺɨn | akɨn | ||||
new | *akɨL[ɨ]n | akən | akɨɾɨn | |||
lizard sp. | *mbɨɺɨ[k]an | pəkán | mbɨkan | aran | lan | ɺaan |
two | *ni-uŋg[o]n | nuŋgʷun ~ nuŋgun | nuŋgun | ɲuŋgʷɔn | ɲiŋgon ~ ɲuŋgon | ɲiŋgon ~ ɲuŋgon |
rain | *nden | nɛn | nden | jɛ-ndama | le(n) | ɺe-ndima |
blood | *sin | sɪn | sin | sɛ-ndəma ~ sə-lale | si-lile | si-ndima |
mouth | *kɨtin | ksin | tɨn | tin | tin | |
one | *kɨwan | koŋ | -ɔŋ | -ko(n) | -oŋ ~ -aŋ | |
tail | *k[o/u]ŋg[a]n | uŋgan | koŋgan | |||
cough | *kuten | kutʃen | te(n) | te-ndima | ||
star/firefly | *[ɺ]aŋgɨn | aŋgən | aŋgɨn | jaŋgə-ndəma | ŋgɨ(n) | gi-ndima |
man/husband | *j[u]man | ŋgɨman |
One example which has final /*n/ in West Keram and Ramu River has an unexplained final high central vowel /ɨ/ in Ambakich:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-n | nɨ [nʉ] | nɨ [nɨ nə] | n | n | n | |
mosquito | *j[a]ŋgun[ɨ] | gʷúnʉ | ŋgunɨ | ŋgʷu-nduma | ŋgu(n) | ŋgu-nduma |
Final bilabial voiceless stop /*p/ is retained as such in both languages:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-p | p | p | p | p | p | |
be/stay | *ep | ep | -ep | -ep ~ -p- | ||
perfective | *-ap | -ap | -əp ~ -ap | -p | -ap | -ap |
arm/hand | *ndop | ndoˑp ~ dop | ndop | jɔp- | lo- (?) | ɺop |
Final apical voiceless stop /*t/, like medial /*t/ (above,) is palatalized and affricated to /tʃ/ in Ambakich:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-t | tʃ | t | t | |||
bee sp. | *ŋgiwet | ŋgwetʃ | wit | wet |
Final laminal voiceless /*s/ is found in only one example which is based upon comparison to West Keram and is not attested for Ambakich:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-s | s | |||||
knowledge | *[k/ŋg]oɺos | ɺos |
Final velar voiceless stop /*k/ is retained as such in both languages:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-k | k | k | k | k | ||
grub sp. | *ŋgɨmɨLɨk | gəbələk | ŋgɨmbɾɨk | mɨlɨk | miɺik |
Final bilabial non-stop /*w/ is lost in Ambakich:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-w | Ø | Ø | w | w | w | |
hit | *e[w] | ɛ | e | e | -ew- ~ -e- | |
ball | *mbopaw | mbopa | ||||
scrotum | *tiw | tʲi | tʃi | to | to | |
vulva/vagina | *ndziw | ndʒi | ndʒi | ndʒo | ndʒo | |
areca nut | *kaw | xa- | ka | aˑwu | au | au |
Final apical non-stop /*ɺ/ is retained in Ambakich, unlike medial /*ɺ/ which is palatalized and deoccluded to /j/ (above,) and lost in Ap Ma:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-ɺ | l | ɺ [l r] | Ø | Ø | Ø | |
loincloth | *emɨɺ | ɛmɨ́l | emɨɾ | me(n) | ||
tooth | *awɨɺ | awul | auɾ | βaˑ | wa | ua |
outside | *aɺ | a(n) | a-ndima | |||
give | *aɺ | aɾ | -al [?-a-l] | |||
banana flower | *kokVɺ | kokɨɾ | ||||
mud | *mbɨtiɺ | mbɨsiɾ | ti-ndima |
One exception in which /*ɺ/ is retained in Ambakich may be a loan from West Keram River, although the initial syllable is dropped as expected:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-ɺ | l | |||||
eagle sp. | *[k/ŋg]amaŋgaɺ | maŋgal |
Final palatal non-stop /*j/ is lost in Ambakich:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*-j | Ø | Ø | ||||
sago jelly | *kaj | kaˑ | ka |
… vowels and diphthongs …
High front vowel /*i/ …:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | |
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | |
*i |
High central vowel /*ɨ/ …:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | |
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | |
*ɨ |
High back rounded vowel /*u/ …:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*u | ||||||
put in | *u | u- |
… /*u/ …:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
*[o/u] | ||||||
2 sg. | *[o/u] | u ~ wu | u | wu ~ wo | ||
2 pl. | *[o/u]nɨ | ɔnu ~ ɔn | onɨ | wuni | nu | nu ~ no |
…:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | |
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | |
*… |
…:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | |
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | |
*… |
…:
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | |
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | |
*… |
Pronouns
East Keram River free pronouns are reconstructed as follows, with attestations drawn from Laycock (1971,) Wade (1984) and Barlow (2019):
East Keram | Aion | Ambakich | Kambot | Ap Ma | Botin | |
Angang | Yaut | Kambaramba | Yamen | Samban | ||
Laycock | Barlow | Laycock | Barlow | Wade | ||
1 sg. | *ni | ɲi | ɲi | ɲi ~ ɲa | ɲi | ɲi |
2 sg. | *[o/u] | mbə | mbɨ ~ mbə | u ~ wu | u | wu ~ wo |
3 sg. | *ma | mə | ma ~ mɨ | ma | ma ~ mɨ | ma- |
1 pl. | *anɨ | anɪ ~ an | anɨ ~ anə | anə | ndʒon [excl.] wan [incl.] | ni ~ na |
2 pl. | *[o/u]nɨ | ɔnʊ ~ ɔn | onɨ ~ ɔnə | wun | nu | nu ~ no |
3 pl. | *aLɨ | al | alɨ ~ alə | al ~ alə | lɨ | ɺi ~ ɺa |
Verbal morphology
[under construction]
…
Loans from neighboring languages
[under construction]
…