Nawa River

Timothy Usher, Santa Fe Institute

Situation

The Nawa River family consists of two languages, Kaure and Kosare, spoken to either side of the upper Taritatu (Idenburg) river, mostly west of the Nawa and Sobger rivers, in the hill country east of the Lakes Plains in the Airu and Kaureh districts of the Jayapura regency in Indonesiaˈs Papua province (Voorhoeve 1975: 422-423, Wurm 1982: 197, Dommel and Dommel 1991: 2, Dommel 1992: 89-91, Wambaliau 2006: 2-4, q.v. Menanti and Rumaropen 2009: 3.)

Subclassification

The internal classification of Nawa River is as follows:

Nawa River

Kaure

Kosare

Voorhoeve (1975: 45, Smits and Voorhoeve 1994: 9-10) identifies a third language, Narau, following the vocabularies of the Anceaux collection in which smatterings of Narau forms, said to have been collected in the Lakes Plains region, are excerpted from Giël (1959.) Narau is the name of a river which is nowadays seasonally occupied by Kapauri and Kosare people from Pagai and Naira villages respectively (Wambaliau 2006: 2;) the Kaure call this group Mbalu /mbaɺu/ (Dommel, Dommel, Auri and Pokoko 1991: 84.) While there are not enough terms in Anceauxˈs excerpts to arrive at a definitive conclusion, there is little in the vocabulary to suggest that Giëlˈs Narau is anything but a variety of Kaure, with Dommel and Dommel (1991: 2) stating that the two are mutually intelligble.

Sources

Galis (1956) 114 comparative terms for Kaure

Giël (1959) Narau (unobtained)

Smits and Voorhoeve (1994: 18-266) 125 comparative terms for Kaure after D.A. Mallo, for two varieties of Kaure after Anceaux and for Narau after Giël

Voorhoeve (1975: 114-115) 39 comparative terms for Kaure after Bromley (n.d.) and 12 comparative terms for Narau following Anceaux after Giël

Barr and Walker (1978: 11-14) 110 comparative terms for Kaureh of Soar and Kasu (Lereh) villages

Heeschen (1978: 41-44) 97 comparative terms for Kosare

Dommel and Werner (1985) survey of Kaure (unobtained)

Dommel and Dommel (1991) phonology of Harna-Masta dialect of Kaure

Dommel, Dommel, Auri and Pokoko (1991) comprehensive vocabulary of Harna Kaure

Auri, Dommel and Pokoko (1991) Kaure conversations and (pp. 107-116) grammar sketch

Dommel (1992) Kaure kinship

Dommel (1997) Kaure kinship (unobtained)

Clouse (1997) 202 comparative terms for Kaure after Dommel and Wener (1985)

Wambaliau (2006: 24-30) 260 comparative terms for Kosare of Muara Nawa and Naira villages

History of classification

Voorhoeve (1971: 51, 77-78,) working from Galisˈ (1956) vocabulary, lists Kaure as an unclassified language having no evident historical relationship to any of its known neighbors. Soon thereafter he gained access to Anceauxˈs collection of vocabularies and by (1975a: 45) placed the Kaure Family, consisting of Kaure and Narau (see comments on Narau above,) in a Kaure Stock alongside Kapori (Kapauri) and Sause, the Kosare language having not appeared in the literature until Heeschen (1978.) This was further asserted to constitute a Subphylum-level Stock within the much larger Trans-New Guinea Phylum (1975b: 422-423.) No arguments were presented in support of this proposal save for what is visible in the accompanying 40-term wordlists (1975a: 114-115.)

Wurm (1982: 197) expanded Voorhoeveˈs Kaure Family to include the recently-attested Kosare as coequal to Kaure and Narau, otherwise maintaining Voorhoeveˈs classification unchanged, and characterized the degree of relationship between the three as “on the lower medium to high family level” in contrast to the “low stock level” relationship uniting the Kaure Family, Kapori and Sause.

Hammarström (2010: 188, reiterated in Pawley and Hammarström (2017: 81) … “Voorhoeve (1975b) grouped Kapauri with the Kaure languages based on some lexical correspondences. However, a newer evaluation of the lexical relationships reveals figures that are only in the range of 5–6%, shedding considerable doubt on a geneticrelation between the Kaure languages and Kapauri (Rumaropen 2006:13).”

Foley (2017: …) …

We find that Kaure and Kosare form one group, designated here as Nawa River, and Kapauri and Sause another which is related most closely to Masep, Isirawa and Apauwar River (i.e. Kwerba) and has no special relationship to Nawa River. This fundamental division is supported by Dommel and Dommel (1999: 1-2,) who counted only 1% lexical similarity between Kaure and Sause of Badrun village, and by Wambaliau (2006: 12-13) and Menanti and Rumaropen (2009: 13-14,) who found only 5-6% lexical similarity between Kosare and Kapauri village, most of which can be attributed to loans (below.) Unfortunately, none of the SIL researchers are known to have compared Kaure with Kosare or Kapauri with Sause, but a fair accounting of the resemblances within each of these two pairs would yield a much higher figure, as demonstrated in the sections which follow.

Historical phonology

[under construction]

Proto-Nawa River had 11 or 12 consonants and perhaps 8 vowels as follows:

*m *n
*p *t *k
*b *g
*s *h
*w [*j]
*i *u
*e̝ *o̝
*a

In addition to the simple vowels given above, at least four diphthongs are found as follows:

*ɛⁱ *ɛᵘ
*aⁱ *aᵘ

Voiced stops /*b *g/ have not been found to occur intially. Unoccluded voiceless fricative /*h/ has not been found to occur medially. This assymetry suggests that one or more pre-Kaure initial voiceless stops became /*h/, while initial voiced stops were devoiced.

There is no apical voiced stop /*d/, suggesting non-stop /*ɽ/ to be its systemic equivalent; this is the case also in the neighboring Kapauri-Sause family. Initial /*ɽ/ is very uncommon, in keeping with the absence of initial voiced stops /*b *g/; presumably this pre-Kaure /*d/ would be reflected as initial voiceless /*t/.

Supporting these notions is the fact that the Orya language immediately to the north, along with Orya-Tor River more generally, has undergone the same changes from proto-West North New Guinea; for example bilabial voiced prenasalized /*mb/ is devoiced to /*p/ in Orya-Tor River and then deoccluded to /h/ in Orya, with apical /*nd/ likewise becoming Orya-Tor /*t/.

Only two archiphonemic consonants are distinguished finally, nasal /*N/ and stop /*C/:

*N
*C

Dommel and Dommel (1991: 7-15) describe a tonal distinction in Kaure which must be reconstructed for the Nawa River level as well, as it is plainly contrastive and not reducible to any segmental changes within the family. These are given by Dommel and Dommel as high tone and high-mid falling tone, but can be viewed systemically as high tone against low tone, the former being significantly more common. Unfortunately, this distinction is not indicated in Wambaliauˈs Kosare or in Dommel, Dommel, Auri and Pokoko (1991) or Auri, Dommel and Pokoko (1991,) only in Dommel and Dommelˈs (1991) phonology, which discusses only a selection of attested roots and even so is not entirely consistent in this respect.

Initial consonants and consonant clusters correspond as follows:

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare
Dommel Heeschen Wambaliau
*m-/_(C) mb b m
*m-/_N m m m
*n-/_C nd n d n d
*n-/_(N) n n n
*p- p p p
*t- t t t
*k- k k k
*s- s s s
*h- h ø ø
*w- w w w
*ɽ- ɺ ɽ
*j-

Medial consonants and consonant clusters correspond as follows:

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare
Dommel Heeschen Wambaliau
*-m- m m m
*-n- ɺ n
*-p- p p p
*-t- t t t
*-k- k k k
*-b- p b b
*-g- k ? g
*-s- s s s
*-w- w w w
*-ɽ- ɺ ɽ
*-j-

Final consonants correspond as follows:

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare
Dommel Heeschen Wambaliau
*-N ø
*-C ʔ ø

Vowels and diphthongs correspond as follows:

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare
Dommel Heeschen Wambaliau
*i i i i
*u ʉ u u
*e̝ ɛ e e i
*o̝ o u
ɛ e ɛ
*ɛ/_Cu e u u
o o
a ɛ ɛ
*a a a a
*ɛⁱ ɛⁱ i
*aⁱ aⁱ i
*ɛᵘ ɛᶶ u
*aᵘ aᵒ aᵘ

These correspondences are examplified as follows, with Kaure attestations drawn from Dommel, Dommel, Auri and Pokoko (1991, Dommel and Dommel 1991,) Kosare from Heeschen (1978: 41-44) and Kosare of Muara Nawa and Naira villages from Wambaliau (2006: 24-30.)

Kaure stress and tone are indicated only where they are known from Dommel and Dommelˈs (1991) phonology; where their tone assignations are inconsistent, both versions are given. A more vexsome problem is the indication of front mid vowels, as Dommel and Dommel ditinguish high mid /e/from low mid /ɛ/, but this is not indicated in their practical orthography. This distinction is not correlated with that between Nawa River /*e̝/ vs. /*ɛ/, so comparison to Kosare is of no use. However, Dommel and Dommel's high mid /e/ is uncommon, and is found only root-finally (pp. 41, 63-65.) Diphthong /ɛⁱ/ is realized as [e] in some contexts, where it is likewise written as <e> in the dictionary, leading to further questions. We have specified /ɛⁱ/ where it is given in the phonology, but otherwise can do little to address the overall problem other than to state that the effect upon the veracity of the reconstruction presented here is necessarily limited. Where the phonology specifically indicates either /ɛ/ or /e/, we present these as <ɛ e̝> respectively, leaving unmarked <e> to symbolize attestations found only in the dictionary, where its value cannot be determined.


Any consonant except for voiced stops /*b *g/ can occur initially, though initial apical non-stop /*ɺ/ is only very thinly attested.

Initial bilabial nasal /*m/, unless followed by a nasal consonant (below,) is reflected as voiced prenasalized stop /mb/ in Kaure. According to Dommel and Dommel (1991: 31,) in some words this is in free varation with [m]. One example in Heeschenˈs Kosare gives voiced stop [b]:

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel Heeschen Muara NawaNaira
*m-/_V(C)mb [mb m]b m m m
water *mi[jɛ] mbí biɛ ~ miɛ-ˈmijɛ ˈmijɛ
fish *mi[jɛ] mbí miˈjɛ miˈjɛ
here *me̝te̝ mbete ˈmiˈti- ˈmiˈti-
guts *m[e̝/ɛ]pæ -mbepa -mɛˈpɛʔ ˈmiˈpɛʔ
house *ma mbá ma ma
wallaby*maja mbaja maˈjaʔ

When followed by a nasal consonant in the next syllable or a nasalized vowel reflecting final nasal archiphoneme /*N/ (below,) initial /*m/ is retained as such in Kaure:

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
DommelHeeschenMuara NawaNaira
*m-/_VNm m m m
louse *miN mi miʔ miʔ
drink *mɛN mɛ̃́
breast *muN mʉ̃̂ ˈmu ˈmu
drink (sg.)*mnɛN -mɺẽ -ˈmɛnɛ mnɛ mnɛ

Initial apical nasal /*n/ … According to Dommel and Dommel (1991: 32-33,) in some words this is in free varation with [n]. One example in Heeschen and one in Wambaliauˈs Kosare of Muara Nawa give voiced stop [d]:

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara NawaNaira
*n-/_VCnd n d n d n
rain *nɛⁱC ndɛ́ⁱʔ ~ ndɛ̂ⁱʔ di ni
sky *nɛbu ndéˈpʉ́ nubʊ ⁿuˈbuʔ ⁿuˈbuʔ
woman/wife*naⁱ ndâⁱ d̡ɪ-

… /*n/ …:

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara Nawa Naira
*n-/_V# n nd n n n nd
eat *naⁱ náⁱ ~ -ndáⁱɺ-nɛ́ -ˈni ~ -ˈnɛ-ˈni ~ -ˈndi
1 sg. poss.*na- ná- ~ ndá- na na- na-
*n-/_V(N)n n n
cry out *nɛɽæN néɺã́ -nɛˈɭɛʔ -nɛˈɭɛʔ

In one example, initial /*n/ is dropped entirely in Kosare with consequent nasalization of the following vowel; this should probably be viewed as a further development of the reflex given as [ⁿ] (above):

Nawa RiverKaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
DommelHeeschenMuara NawaNaira
*nV[N]nV
excrement*na[N] na; nãã ãʔ ~ a- ãʔ

… /*n/ … It may be seen in Dommel, Dommel, Auri and Pokokoˈs (1991: 140-143) vocabulary that kin terms are disproportionately represented among Kaure words beginning with [n]. This is likely because kin terms are obligatorily possessed, either by an inalienable prefix or by a personl name, and both first and third person inalienables begin with /n/ (Dommel 1992: 94) … :

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara Nawa Naira
*n- n n n
younger sister*ne̝pɽaⁱ nɛ́pˈɺáⁱ -ˈnipˈɭi
girl *napɽaN ˈnápɺã́ -napˈɽãʔ napˈɽãʔ
friend *nawɛN nawẽ naˈwɛ ~ -nuˈwɛ̃-nuˈwɛ̃
husband *no̝ko̝ɽsaⁱnokosaⁱ ˈnukuɽeˈsiʔ ˈnukuɽeˈsiʔ

Initial bilabial voiceless stop /*p/ is retained as such in both Kaure and Kosare:

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara NawaNaira
*p- p p p p
pig *pî pi pi piʔ piʔ
tusk/tooth*pakaⁱ pakaⁱ ~ -pokaⁱpɛki
moon *paka ˈpáká paka paˈkaʔ paˈkaʔ
salt *po̝k[o̝]ɽɛpokoɺe pukɽɛ pukɽɛ

Initial apical voiceless stop /*t/ is retained as such in both Kaure and Kosare:

Nawa RiverKaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara NawaNaira
*t- t t t t
tree *tɛⁱC tɛ́ⁱʔ ~ tɛ̂ⁱʔti- tiʔ tiʔ
that *tɛ te
wing *tæji táˈí tɛi tɛi
net bag *ta ta ta ta
knowledge*tawaji tawaⁱ toˈwai tuwaʲ tuwaʲ
knife *to̝m[w]a tomwa ˈtuma ˈtuma
paddle *tɽo̝wa tɺóˈá truwaʔ

Initial velar voiceless stop /*k/ is retained as such in both Kaure and Kosare:

Nawa RiverKaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara NawaNaira
*k- k k k k
skin/bark *ki ki kiʔ kiʔ
null object *kæ- ká- kɛ- kɛ- kɛ-
without *kæji káⁱ -ˈkɛi -ˈkɛi
mountain/hill *ko̝N kũʔ kũʔ
weeping/crying*ko̝N kṍ kʷ- kʷ-
crocodile *ko̝sɛⁱC kóˈsɛ́ⁱʔ kʷisi kʷisi
tie *kwɛN -kwẽ-(tɛɺ) -kʷɛ-nɛ -kʷɛ-nɛ
give (sg.) *kɽɔN kɺṍ -kɭo -kɭo

Initial laminal voiceless fricative /*s/ is retained as such in both Kaure and Kosare:

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara Nawa Naira
*s- *s *s *s *s
root *siN sĩ́ -si -ˈsiʔ -ˈsiʔ
say/speak *si[jɛ] siɛ -sjɛ -sj̪ˈɛ
dog *se̝ sɛ́ ~ sɛ̂ siʔ siʔ
chin/jaw *se̝N sɛ̃́ ~ s(ɛ)- s(i)- s(i)-
mouth *se̝N-ɽo̝[C/ko̝]se-ɺoko su-ɽ-gi ~
s-ru-ˈgiʔ
s-ru-ˈgiʔ
coconut *sɛgu sɛ́ˈkʉ̂ ˈsugu- ˈsugu-
fire *sa sa sa
bandicoot *saᵘtɛⁱC saᵒtɛⁱʔ sauti sawiti
one more (?)*sɔɽɔtɔC soɺtoʔ sroto
pig meat *so̝ suʔ

Initial unoccluded voiceless fricative /*h/ is dropped altogether in Kosare:

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara Nawa Naira
*h- h ø ø ø
lake *hɛᵘC hɛᶶʔ -u
hair *haⁱ háⁱ -i
sun *h[æ/a]niC haɺiʔ ɛnɛ́ʔ iˈni iˈni
2 sg. *ha-(nɛ) há-(ˈné̝) ɛ-ˈnɛ a-ˈnɛ ~ i-ˈnɛi-ˈnɛ
leech *hame̝ hame ˈaˈmi ˈaˈmi
forest *habaⁱ hapaⁱ aˈbi aˈbi
wash (pl.)*ha-tɛⁱɽ[ɛ]ha-tɛ́ⁱɺ -aˈtiɽɛ -aˈtiɽɛ
wake up *ho̝ɽapo̝ɽæhoɺapoɺa -ˈɭuapɭɛ -ˈɭuapɭɛ
elbow *hwiN hwĩ -ˈy -ˈy
eye *hwe̝N hwɛ̃́ ɪ̃- ˈi ˈi
hear *hw[e̝jɛ] hwé̝- -βiɛ -wiɛ -wiɛ
ear *hwɔkɽuC ˈhókɛ́ɺʉ́ʔˈkɔro wɔˈɽuʔ wɔˈɽuʔ

In one example, initial /*h/ is unexpectedly retained as such in Kosare, perhaps indicating a doublet from Kaure:

Nawa RiverKaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
DommelHeeschenMuara NawaNaira
*h- h ø h h h
bird*ho̝C hôʔ o ~ ho- hu huʔ

Another may be a loan from Kaure or from some third source:

Nawa RiverKaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
DommelHeeschenMuara NawaNaira
*h- h h
fear*ho̝ hʊ̃

Another seeming exeption is a loan from Sause (below,) in which /h/ is the regular reflex of Kapauri-Sause /*s/:

Sause Kaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
DommelHeeschenMuara NawaNaira
h-h h
longhɛwa hewa hiwa

Initial bilabial non-stop /*w/ is retained as such in both Kaure and Kosare:

Nawa RiverKaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
DommelHeeschenMuara NawaNaira
*w- w w w w
1 pl. excl.*wɛN wɛ̃́ wɛ-nɛ wɛ-ˈnɛ wɛ-ˈnɛ
hand/arm *waⁱ waⁱ wi- ˈwi-

Initial apical non-stop /*ɽ/ has been found in only one root, where it is realized as lateral flap /ɺ/ in Kaure just as are medial and final /ɽ/ (below):

Nawa RiverKaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
DommelHeeschenMuara NawaNaira
*ɽ- ɺ ɽ ɽ
hole*ɽo̝C ɺoʔ ru- ˈɽu-

The only known example of initial palatal non-stop /*j/ is a widespread northwest New Guinea regional term (below) and probably a loan into the Nawa River languages:

Nawa RiverKaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara NawaNaira
*j- ø
sago porridge*je̝saⁱ ésjáⁱ ~ ísjáⁱ dʒiˈsi

Any consonant except unoccluded voiceless fricative /*h/ can occur medially.

Medial bilabial nasal /*m/, unlike initial /*m/ (above,) is retained as such in Kaure as well as Kosare regardless of whether the following vowel is nasalized:

Nawa RiverKaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
DommelHeeschenMuara NawaNaira
*-m- m m m m
knee *a[ji]mo̝Namõ aimó aiˈmuʔ aiˈmuʔ
knife*to̝m[w]a tomwa ˈtuma ˈtuma
leech*hame̝ hame ˈaˈmi ˈaˈmi

Medial apical nasal /*n/ is merged with the reflex of apical non-stop /*ɽ/ [ɺ] in Kaure, regardless of whether the following vowel is nasalized:

Nawa RiverKaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
DommelHeeschenMuara NawaNaira
*-n- ɺ n n n
drink (sg.)*mnɛN -mɺẽ -ˈmɛnɛ mnɛ mnɛ
sun *h[æ/a]niChaɺiʔ ɛnɛ́ʔ iˈni iˈni

Where word-medial apical /*n/ is the first consonant of a root in a compound, it is retained as such in Kaure:

Nawa RiverKaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
DommelHeeschenMuara NawaNaira
*-n- n n n n
nominative*-nɛ -né -nɛ -ˈnɛ -ˈnɛ

Medial bilabial voiceless stop /*p/ is retained as such in both Kaure and Kosare:

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara NawaNaira
*-p- p p p
guts *m[e̝/ɛ]pæ -mbepa -mɛˈpɛʔ ˈmiˈpɛʔ
younger sister*ne̝pɽaⁱ nɛ́pˈɺáⁱ -ˈnipˈɭi
girl *napɽaN ˈnápɺã́ -napˈɽãʔ napˈɽãʔ
wake up *ho̝ɽapo̝ɽæhoɺapoɺa -ˈɭuapɭɛ -ˈɭuapɭɛ

Medial apical voiceless stop /*t/ is retained as such in both Kaure and Kosare:

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara NawaNaira
*-t- t t t
here *me̝te̝ mbete ˈmiˈti- ˈmiˈti-
bandicoot *saᵘtɛⁱC saᵒtɛⁱʔ sauti sawiti
one more (?)*sɔɽɔtɔC soɺtoʔ sroto
wash (pl.) *ha-tɛⁱɽ[ɛ]ha-tɛ́ⁱɺ -aˈtiɽɛ -aˈtiɽɛ

Medial velar voiceless stop /*k/ is retained as such in both Kaure and Kosare:

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara Nawa Naira
*-k- k k k k
tusk/tooth*pakaⁱ pakaⁱ ~ -pokaⁱpɛki
moon *paka ˈpáká paka paˈkaʔ paˈkaʔ
salt *po̝k[o̝]ɽɛpokoɺe pukɽɛ pukɽɛ
husband *no̝ko̝ɽsaⁱnokosaⁱ ˈnukuɽeˈsiʔˈnukuɽeˈsiʔ

In at least two examples, Kaure medial /k/ corresponds to zero in Wambaliauˈs Kosare. The Kaure word given as /ɺóˈkó/ “hole” is found also as /ɺoʔ/ “ravine, gorge” (Dommel, Dommel, Auri and Pokoko 1991: 138) suggesting the intervening vowel below to have been interpolated. In support of this notion, Dommel and Dommel (1991: 19) state that /k/ never occurs syllable-finally. We interpret the correspondences in both of these instances as those of medial cluster /*kC/:

Nawa RiverKaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel Heeschen Muara NawaNaira
*-kb- kVp p b
inside*ɽo̝k-bV ɺókó pa ru-ˈpaʔ ˈɽu-bɛ
*-kɽ- kVɺ kVr (?)ɽ ɽ
ear *hwɔkɽuC ˈhókɛ́ɺʉ́ʔˈkɔro (?) wɔˈɽuʔ wɔˈɽuʔ

The second of these contrasts directly with /*po̝k[o̝]ɽɛ/ “salt” above, in which both consonants are preserved in Kosare, indicating the presence of an underlying vowel between them.

Medial laminal voiceless fricative /*s/ is retained as such in both Kaure and Kosare:

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara Nawa Naira
*-s- s s s
laughter *Vsaⁱ saⁱ isi- isi-
husband *no̝ko̝ɽsaⁱnokosaⁱ ˈnukuɽeˈsiʔˈnukuɽeˈsiʔ
crocodile *ko̝sɛⁱC kóˈsɛ́ⁱʔ kʷisi kʷisi
sago porridge*je̝saⁱ ésjáⁱ ~ ísjáⁱ dʒiˈsi

Unoccluded voiceless fricative /*h/ has not been found to occur root-medially, although it does synchronically in Kaure.

Medial bilabial voiced stop /*b/ is devoiced and merged with the reflex of voiceless /*p/ in Kaure:

Nawa RiverKaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara NawaNaira
*-b- p b b b
grandfather*abɛᵘC apɛᶶʔ aˈbu aˈbu
sky *nɛbu ndéˈpʉ́nubʊ ⁿuˈbuʔ ⁿuˈbuʔ
forest *habaⁱ hapaⁱ aˈbi aˈbi

Medial velar voiced stop /*g/ is uncommon. It is devoiced and merged with the reflex of voiceless /*k/ in Kaure:

Nawa RiverKaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara NawaNaira
*-g- k g g
coconut*sɛgu sɛ́ˈkʉ̂ ˈsugu- ˈsugu-

One example in which the term for “mouth” (cf. Kaure /sɛ-ɺóˈkó/, literally “chin-hole”) has been suffixed with /*ki/ “skin” to yield the meaning “lip(s)” suggests /*ki/ to be underlyingly /*gi/, with voiced /g/ surfacing as such only in medial position:

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
DommelHeeschenMuara Nawa Naira
*-g- g g
lip(s)*se̝N-ɽo̝C-gi su-ɽ-gi ~
s-ru-ˈgiʔ
s-ru-ˈgiʔ

Medial bilabial non-stop /*w/ is generally retained as such in both Kaure and Kosare:

Nawa RiverKaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
DommelHeeschenMuara Nawa Naira
*-w- w w w w
knowledge*tawaji tawaⁱ toˈwai tuwaʲ tuwaʲ
friend *nawɛN nawẽ naˈwɛ ~ -nuˈwɛ̃-nuˈwɛ̃
paddle *tɽo̝wa tɺóˈá truwaʔ

Medial apical non-stop /*ɽ/ is realized as apical flap /ɺ/ in Kaure:

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara Nawa Naira
*-ɽ- ɺ r ɽ [ɽ r ɺ] ɽ [ɽ r ɺ]
salt *po̝k[o̝]ɽɛ pokoɺe pukɽɛ pukɽɛ
younger sister*ne̝pɽaⁱ nɛ́pˈɺáⁱ -ˈnipˈɭi
cry out *nɛɽæN néɺã́ -nɛˈɭɛʔ -nɛˈɭɛʔ
girl *napɽaN ˈnápɺã́ -napˈɽãʔ napˈɽãʔ
paddle *tɽo̝wa tɺóˈá truwaʔ
mouth *se̝N-ɽo̝[C/ko̝]se-ɺoko su-ɽ-gi ~
s-ru-ˈgiʔ
s-ru-ˈgiʔ
one more (?) *sɔɽɔtɔC soɺtoʔ sroto
give (sg.) *kɽɔN kɺṍ -kɭo -kɭo
wash (pl.) *ha-tɛⁱɽ[ɛ] ha-tɛ́ⁱɺ -aˈtiɽɛ -aˈtiɽɛ
ear *hwɔkɽuC ˈhókɛ́ɺʉ́ʔˈkɔro wɔˈɽuʔ wɔˈɽuʔ
wake up *ho̝ɽapo̝ɽæ hoɺapoɺa -ˈɭuapɭɛ -ˈɭuapɭɛ

Medial palatal non-stop /*j/ …

Nawa RiverKaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
DommelHeeschenMuara NawaNaira
*-j- j j
wallaby*maja mbaja maˈjaʔ
*-j-
wing *tæji táˈí tɛi tɛi
without*kæji káⁱ -ˈkɛi -ˈkɛi

Nawa RiverKaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara NawaNaira
*-j- j j
father*[a]jiC ndá-ˈdʒíʔ ai aiʔ

Only two archiphonemic consonants are distinguished finally, nasal /*N/ and stop /*C/.

Final nasal archiphoneme /*N/ …:

Nawa RiverKaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara Nawa Naira
*-VN V [V Vʔ Ṽ]V [V Vʔ Ṽ]
knee *a[ji]mo̝Namõ aimó aiˈmuʔ aiˈmuʔ
louse *miN mi miʔ miʔ
drink *mɛN mɛ̃́
breast *muN mũ̂ ˈmu ˈmu
drink (sg.) *mnɛN -mɺẽ -ˈmɛnɛ mnɛ mnɛ
cry out *nɛɽæN néɺã́ -nɛˈɭɛʔ -nɛˈɭɛʔ
girl *napɽaN ˈnápɺã́ -napˈɽãʔ napˈɽãʔ
friend *nawɛN nawẽ naˈwɛ
mountain/hill *ko̝N kũʔ kũʔ
weeping/crying*ko̝N kṍ kʷ- kʷ-
root *síN -si -ˈsiʔ -ˈsiʔ
chin/jaw *se̝N sɛ̃́ ~ s(ɛ)- s(i)- s(i)-
give (sg.) *kɽɔN kɺṍ -kɭo -kɭo
tie *kwɛN kwẽ-(tɛɺ) -kʷɛ-nɛ -kʷɛ-nɛ
elbow *hwiN hwĩ -ˈy -ˈy
eye *hwe̝N hwɛ̃́ ɪ̃- ˈi ˈi
1 pl. excl. *wɛN wɛ̃́ wɛ-nɛ wɛ-ˈnɛ wɛ-ˈnɛ

Final stop archiphoneme /*C/ is realized as glottal stop /ʔ/ in Kaure. It is not clear that sporadic glottal stop in Kosare is meaningful as it is found also following final vowels and final /*N/ (above):

Nawa RiverKaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara Nawa Naira
*-C ʔ ø ø [ø ʔ]ø [ø ʔ]
grandfather *abɛᵘC apɛᶶʔ aˈbu aˈbu
father *[a]jiC ndá-ˈdʒíʔ ai aiʔ
rain *nɛⁱC ndɛ́ⁱʔ ~ ndɛ̂ⁱʔ di ni
tree *tɛⁱC tɛ́ⁱʔ ~ tɛ̂ⁱʔ ti- tiʔ tiʔ
bandicoot *saᵘtɛⁱC saᵒtɛⁱʔ sauti sawiti
one more (?)*sɔɽɔtɔC soɺtoʔ sroto
crocodile *ko̝sɛⁱC kóˈsɛ́ⁱʔ kʷisi kʷisi
lake *hɛᵘC hɛᶶʔ -u
sun *h[æ/a]niChaɺiʔ ɛnɛ́ʔ iˈni iˈni
ear *hwɔkɽuC ˈhókɺʉ́ɛ́ʔ ˈkɔro wɔˈɽuʔ wɔˈɽuʔ
bird *ho̝C hôʔ o ~ ho- hu huʔ
hole *ɽo̝C ɺoʔ ru- ˈɽu-

Among the vowels and diphthongs, only low central /*a/ occurs initially, and even so only in a few roots, two of which are kin terms. Thus, very few Nawa River roots are vowel-initial. Any vowel can occur medially or finally.

High front vowel /*i/ is retained as such in both Kaure and Kosare:

Nawa RiverKaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel Heeschen Muara NawaNaira
*i i i i i
pig *pi pi piʔ piʔ
skin/bark*ki ki kiʔ kiʔ
louse *miN mi miʔ miʔ
root *siN sĩ́ -si -ˈsiʔ -ˈsiʔ
elbow *hwiN hwĩ -ˈy -ˈy
water *mi[jɛ] mbí biɛ ~ miɛ-ˈmijɛ ˈmijɛ
fish *mi[jɛ] mbí miˈjɛ miˈjɛ
say/speak*si[jɛ] siɛ -sjɛ -sj̪ˈɛ
wing *tæji táˈí tɛi tɛi
without *kæji káⁱ -ˈkɛi -ˈkɛi
sun *h[æ/a]niChaɺiʔ ɛnɛ́ʔ (?) iˈni iˈni
father *[a]jiC ndá-ˈdʒíʔ ai aiʔ
knowledge*tawaji tawaⁱ toˈwai tuwaʲ tuwaʲ

(Wambaliau's [y] “elbow” follows the segment [kʷ] in a compound.)

High back rounded vowel /*u/ is fronted to central rounded /ʉ/ in Kaure:

Nawa RiverKaure Kosare KosareKosare
Dommel Muara NawaNaira Heeschen
*u ʉ u [ʊ] u u
breast *muN mʉ̃̂ ˈmu ˈmu
sky *nɛbu ndéˈpʉ́ nubʊ ⁿuˈbuʔⁿuˈbuʔ
coconut*sɛgu sɛ́ˈkʉ̂ ˈsugu-ˈsugu-
ear *hwɔkɽuC ˈhókɛ́ɺʉ́ʔˈkɔro (?) wɔˈɽuʔwɔˈɽuʔ

High mid front vowel /*e̝/ is raised and merged with the reflex of high front /*i/ in Wambaliauˈs Kosare but not in Heeschenˈs:

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel Heeschen Muara Nawa Naira
*e̝ ɛ e̝ e̝ [ɛ e i]i i
dog *se̝ sɛ́ ~ sɛ̂ siʔ siʔ
chin/jaw *se̝N sɛ̃́ ~ s(ɛ)- s(i)- s(i)-
eye *hwe̝N hwɛ̃́ ɪ̃- ˈi ˈi
here *me̝te̝ mbete ˈmiˈti- ˈmiˈti-
mouth *se̝N-ɽo̝[C/ko̝]se-ɺoko su-ɽ-gi ~
s-ru-ˈgiʔ
s-ru-ˈgiʔ
younger sister*ne̝pɽaⁱ nɛ́pˈɺáⁱ -ˈnipˈɭi
sago porridge *je̝saⁱ ésjáⁱ ~ ísjáⁱ dʒiˈsi
leech *hame̝ hame ˈaˈmi ˈaˈmi

High mid back rounded vowel /*o̝/, variably realized as [o u ɤ ɯ] in Kaure (Dommel and Dommel 1991: 42-44,) is raised and merged with the reflex of high back /*u/ in Wambaliauˈs Kosare but not in Heeschenˈs:

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel Heeschen Muara Nawa Naira
*o̝ o [o u ɤ ɯ]o̝ [o]u [u ʊ] u
pig meat *so̝ suʔ
fear *ho̝ hʊ̃
mountain/hill *ko̝N kũʔ kũʔ
weeping/crying*ko̝N kṍ kʷ- kʷ-
bird *ho̝C hôʔ o ~ ho- hu huʔ
hole *ɽo̝C ɺoʔ ru- ˈɽu-
salt *po̝k[o̝]ɽɛ pokoɺe pukɽɛ pukɽɛ
husband *no̝ko̝ɽsaⁱ nokosaⁱ ˈnukuɽeˈsiʔ ˈnukuɽeˈsiʔ
knife *to̝m[w]a tomwa ˈtuma ˈtuma
paddle *tɽo̝wa tɺóˈá truwaʔ
wake up *ho̝ɽapo̝ɽæ hoɺapoɺa -ˈɭuapɭɛ -ˈɭuapɭɛ
mouth *se̝N-ɽo̝[C/ko̝]se-ɺoko su-ɽ-gi ~
s-ru-ˈgiʔ
s-ru-ˈgiʔ
knee *a[ji]mo̝N amõ aimó aiˈmuʔ aiˈmuʔ

When high mid-back /*o̝/ is followed by a front vowel or diphthong /*ɛ *ɛⁱ/ in the next syllable, it is reflected as [wi] in Kosare:

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara NawaNaira
*o̝/_Cɛ Cɛⁱo [o u ɤ ɯ] wi wi
crocodile*ko̝sɛⁱC kóˈsɛ́ⁱʔ kʷisi kʷisi
weep/cry *ko̝N nɛɽæN kṍ néɺã́ kʷi-nɛˈɭɛʔkʷi-nɛˈɭɛʔ

Low mid front vowel /*ɛ/ is retained as such in both Kaure and Kosare:

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara Nawa Naira
ɛ e̝ ɛ ɛ ɛ
drink *mɛN mɛ̃́
nominative *-nɛ -né -nɛ -ˈnɛ -ˈnɛ
that *tɛ te
1 pl. excl.*wɛN wẽ́ wɛ-nɛ wɛ-ˈnɛ wɛ-ˈnɛ
tie *kwɛN -kwẽ-(tɛɺ) -kʷɛ-nɛ -kʷɛ-nɛ
drink (sg.)*mnɛN -mɺẽ -ˈmɛnɛ mnɛ mnɛ
cry out *nɛɽæN néɺã́ -nɛˈɭɛʔ -nɛˈɭɛʔ
salt *po̝k[o̝]ɽɛpokoɺe pukɽɛ pukɽɛ
friend *nawɛN nawẽ naˈwɛ ~ -nuˈwɛ̃-nuˈwɛ̃

When low mid /*ɛ/ is followed by high back rounded /*u/ in the next syllable, Kosare merges it with the reflexes of /*u/ just as it would with diphthong /*ɛᵘ/ (below):

Nawa RiverKaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara NawaNaira
*ɛ/_Cue u u u
sky *nɛbu ndéˈpʉ́nubʊ ⁿuˈbuʔ ⁿuˈbuʔ
coconut*sɛgu sɛ́ˈkʉ̂ ˈsugu- ˈsugu-

Low mid back rounded vowel /*ɔ/ is retained as such in both Kaure and Kosare:

Nawa RiverKaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara NawaNaira
o ɔ o o
give (sg.) *kɽɔN kɺṍ -kɭo -kɭo
one more (?)*sɔɽɔtɔC soɺtoʔ sroto
ear *hwɔkɽuC ˈhókɛ́ɺʉ́ʔˈkɔro wɔˈɽuʔ wɔˈɽuʔ

Low front vowel /*æ/ is merged with the reflex of low central /*a/ in Kaure and with those of low mid front /*ɛ/ in Kosare:

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara NawaNaira
a ɛ ɛ ɛ
null object*kæ- ká- kɛ- kɛ- kɛ-
wing *tæji táˈí tɛi tɛi
without *kæji káⁱ -ˈkɛi -ˈkɛi
guts *m[e̝/ɛ]pæ -mbepa -mɛˈpɛʔ ˈmiˈpɛʔ
cry out *nɛɽæN néɺã́ -nɛˈɭɛʔ -nɛˈɭɛʔ
wake up *ho̝ɽapo̝ɽæhoɺapoɺa -ˈɭuapɭɛ -ˈɭuapɭɛ

Low central vowel /*a/ is generally retained as such in both Kaure and Kosare:

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara NawaNaira
*a a a a a
house *ma mbá ma ma
1 sg. poss.*na- ná- ~ ndá-na na- na-
excrement *na[N] na; nã ã ãʔ ~ a- ãʔ
net bag *ta ta ta ta
fire *sa sa sa
wallaby *maja mbaja maˈjaʔ
moon *paka ˈpáká paka paˈkaʔ paˈkaʔ
girl *napɽaN ˈnápɺã́ -napˈɽãʔ napˈɽãʔ
father *[a]jiC ndá-ˈdʒíʔ ai aiʔ
leech *hame̝ hame ˈaˈmi ˈaˈmi
wash (pl.) *ha-tɛⁱɽ[ɛ]ha-tɛ́ⁱɺ -aˈtiɽɛ -aˈtiɽɛ
grandfather*abɛᵘC apɛᶶʔ aˈbu aˈbu
friend *nawɛN nawẽ naˈwɛ
forest *habaⁱ hapaⁱ aˈbi aˈbi
knife *to̝m[w]a tomwa ˈtuma ˈtuma
paddle *tɽo̝wa tɺóˈá truwaʔ
wake up *ho̝ɽapo̝ɽæhoɺapoɺa -ˈɭuapɭɛ -ˈɭuapɭɛ

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
DommelHeeschenMuara NawaNaira
*a/C_wVa o u u
knowledge*tawaji tawaⁱ toˈwai tuwaʲ tuwaʲ

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara NawaNaira
*a/CVC_wVa u u
my friend*na-nawɛN na-nawẽ na-nuˈwɛ̃ na-nuˈwɛ̃

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara NawaNaira
*ɛⁱ ɛⁱ i i i
rain *nɛⁱC ndɛ́ⁱʔ ~ ndɛ̂ⁱʔ di ni
tree *tɛⁱC tɛ́ⁱʔ ~ tɛ̂ⁱʔ ti- tiʔ tiʔ
crocodile *ko̝sɛⁱC kóˈsɛ́ⁱʔ kʷisi kʷisi
bandicoot *saᵘtɛⁱC saᵒtɛⁱʔ sauti sawiti
wash (pl.)*ha-tɛⁱɽ[ɛ]ha-tɛ́ⁱɺ -aˈtiɽɛ -aˈtiɽɛ

… /*aⁱ/ …

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel Heeschen Muara Nawa Naira
*aⁱ aⁱ e̝ [ɛ ɪ i]i i
eat *naⁱ náⁱ ~ -ndáⁱɺ -nɛ́ -ˈni ~ -ˈnɛ-ˈni ~ -ˈndi
woman/wife *naⁱ ndâⁱ d̡ɪ-
hair *haⁱ háⁱ -i
hand/arm *waⁱ waⁱ wi- ˈwi-
younger sister*ne̝pɽaⁱ nɛ́pˈɺáⁱ -ˈnipˈɭi
sago porridge *je̝saⁱ ésjáⁱ ~ ísjáⁱ dʒiˈsi
husband *no̝ko̝ɽsaⁱnokosaⁱ ˈnukuɽeˈsiʔˈnukuɽeˈsiʔ
laughter *[a]saⁱ saⁱ isi- isi-
tusk/tooth *pakaⁱ pakaⁱ ~ -pokaⁱpɛki
forest *habaⁱ hapaⁱ aˈbi aˈbi

Nawa RiverKaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
DommelHeeschenMuara NawaNaira
*ɛᵘ ɛᶶ u u
lake *hɛᵘC hɛᶶʔ -u
grandfather*abɛᵘC apɛᶶʔ aˈbu aˈbu

Nawa RiverKaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara NawaNaira
*aᵘ aᵒ aᶶ aᶶ
bandicoot*saᵘtɛⁱC saᵒtɛⁱʔ sauti sawiti

Pronouns

[under construction]

… with Kaure attestations drawn from Auri, Dommel and Pokoko (1991: 108) and Dommel, Dommel, Auri and Pokoko (1991: 82,) Kosare from Heeschen (1978: 42-43) and Kosare of Muara Nawa and Naira villages from Wambaliau (2006: 24):

Nawa RiverKaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara Nawa Naira
1 sg. *no̝ (?) wɛ̃́ nõ ~ no nuʔ nuʔ
2 sg. *ha-(nɛ) há-(ˈné̝) ɛ-ˈnɛ a-ˈnɛ ~ i-ˈnɛi-ˈnɛ
3 sg. ? né̝-(ˈné̝)tɛ-ˈnɛ tɛ-ˈnɛ
1 pl. excl.*wɛN wɛ̃́ wɛ-ˈnɛ wɛ-ˈnɛ
1 pl. incl.? ne-(ˈné̝) wɛ-nɛ wɛ-ˈnɛ wɛ-ˈnɛ
2 pl. ? há-(ˈné̝) tynɔʔ tynɔʔ
3 pl. ? né̝-(ˈné̝)dʒa-ˈnɛ dʒa-ˈnɛ

In addition to …:

Nawa RiverKaure Kosare Kosare Kosare
Dommel HeeschenMuara NawaNaira
1 sg. poss.*na- ná- ~ ndá-na na- na-

Verbal morphology

[under construction]


Loans to and from neighboring languages

[under construction]



… Kapauri of Pagai village drawn from Menanti and Rumaropen (2009: 23-30) and Sause of Sebum village drawn from Wambaliau (2008) with Mamberamo River forms presented for comparison:

Nawa River Kapauri Sause Mamberamo
grandfather*abɛᵘC abu ~ aβuamun/aza/amuŋ ?
moon *paka paka-ɽʊ bɛŋ *mbɛⁱn
rain *nɛⁱC ny̚ haʔaŋ *san
knowledge *tawaji tawa saɽa/tauk ?
knife *to̝m[w]a tuːma teipɭe/ɭidʒibɽik?
dog *se̝ unʊ ~ unu*…
coconut *sɛgu suku dʒasiŋ- ?
bandicoot *saᵘtɛⁱC sawitɪ boja ?
fire *sa(-[n/ɽ]ɛN)sɛnɛʔ dotok ?
crocodile *ko̝sɛⁱC jaɽu kusik *kVjaɾo̝m

A smaller number of words can probably be identified as loans from Kapauri-Sause into Kaure and/or Kosare. In the case of “long,” this is mandatory on phonological grounds as Nawa River initial /*h/ is dropped in Kosare (above):

Kapauri-SauseKapauri Sause Kaure Kosare Kosare
Muara NawaNaira
breadfruit*b[uw]ɛɽɛ baɭe bueɭe mbaɺe
long *[sɵ̝-]sɵ̝wa sisuwa ~
sysuwa
hewa hewa hiwa
yellow *kija-kija kɪja-kɪja ja-ʔja kija-kija
blunt/dull*ho̝t[u]C hutʊ hutuk [Ures]hotɛᵘʔ

One Kapauri-Sause word which looks very similar to the Nawa River form and would likely have been included in Wambaliauˈs (2006: 12-13) and Menanti and Rumaropenˈs (2009: 13-14) lexical similarity figures is conceivably a legitimate retention from proto-Foja Range; cf. Grime River /*min/:

Nawa RiverKapauri-SauseKapauriSause
breast*muN *mɵ̝N my meːŋ

In a number of words thusfar found only in Kapauri and Kaure, the direction of borrowing cannot be determined upon distributional grounds:

Kapauri Kaure
skin/barkufunʉ ~ uvunyáhóˈɺîʔ
mother ani ande
old aiba-ɽu adʒepa ~ aipa
one kakʷitija kákódʒã̂ ~
kakotẽn

The Kaure words above include several marginal sounds, namely medial /h/, which has no known Nawa River origin, medial /nd/ and laminal voiced affricate /dʒ/. Kaure /áhóˈɺîʔ/ “skin/bark” appears to have replaced Nawa River /*ki/ (above) which is now given as “rind, pod, peel” (Dommel, Dommel, Auri and Pokoko 1991: 135) or “shell” (Dommel and Dommel 1991: 10.)

There are also a number of words which have been found only in Kapauri and Kosare:

Kapauri Kosare Kosare
Muara NawaNaira
tired aitehɛnɪ aitahiˈni ˈaitahini
kunai grassufanija paˈjãʔ
paddle təjka ~ təikatɛiˈka tɛiˈka
goanna tamakɪja tamaˈkia tamakia
taro saku soˈkuʔ soˈkuʔ
leaf/hair su; ɪsuʔ uˈsuʔ suʔ; uˈsuʔ
stone/sand ɭitɪ liti- liti-

The Kosare term for “leaf” is likely a loan from Kapauri, where /su/ is given as “hair” (cf. /*haⁱ/ above;) Naira [suʔ] is given as “roof.” The term for “paddle” is found alongside the reflex of the native term /*tɽo̝wa/ (above.) The term for “kunai grass” is phonologically easier to explain as a loan from Kapauri into Kosare than vice-versa, as is that for “tired,” where there is no known native source for Kosare medial /h/. It seems then probable that most to all of the words listed above are loans from Kapauri into Kosare, which makes a good deal of sense in light of the recent history of Kosare resettlement as described by Wambaliau (2006: 4.)

… Sause and Kaure … The word for “black cockatoo” is found also in Anceaux's Orya of Sigi village as [bargwe] (Smits and Voorhoeve 1994: 249) and probably originates with Kaure since otherwise there is no origin for final nasalization:

Kaure Sause
bush fowl mbahapemahaβɛ [JA]
black cockatoomaɺokwĩmbargwe [JA]
mouse/rat kɛɺsi kɭisjə
fat/grease kʷaⁱsoagʷaⁱtʃa [PD]
egg/seed ɺɛ̃̂ ɭeŋ

Deapite Schiefenhövelˈs (1978: 49) assertion that the Kosare take Sirkai (Ketengban) wives, there is little lexical influence from the Mek family, which is allied first to Momuna and then to the Digul River-Ok languages to the south of the cordillera:

Mek Kosare Kosare Kosare
HeeschenMuara NawaNaira
hot*bɔᵘbʊpɔˈbu poˈpu poˈpu

Another example would seem to be a loan from Kaure into Mek, as while the prefixation of [se- s-] (from /*se̝N/) upon words for mouth-related terms is typical of both Kaure and Kosare, there is no such prefix in Mek, where the initial variation would be irregular (Ketegban from Sims, Sims, Basini, Difur and Uropka 1990: 22, Yale Kosarek from Heeschen 1992: 136):

Kaure KetengbanYale Kosarek
tongues-ɺomũlʲɛmu sɛlimu

… regional … Kaure's two terms for “tobacco” are doublets, Anceaux's [sambuãŋ] (Smits and Voorhoeve 1994: 105-106) coming directly from Orya [sabwan]:

Kaure Kosare
Naira
tobacco sapokwã
tobacco sambuãŋ [JA]
sago porridgeésjáⁱ ~ ísjáⁱdʒiˈsi