Mubami

Timothy Usher, Santa Fe Institute

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Franklin (1973: 270-273) miscellaneous notes on Tao-Suamato

Franklin ed. (1973: 577-578,) Franklin (1975: 264-268) 100 comparative terms for Tao-Suamato

Reesink (1976) 100 comparative terms for Tao-Suamato

Reesink (n.d.) survey vocabulary of Tao-Suamato provided in comparative spreadsheet format by Paul Whitehouse via the Summer Institute of Linguistics, Ukarumpa

MacKenzie (2002) 176 comparative terms and 19 comparative phrases for Mubami of Ugu/Kala, Parieme and Sogae villages

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Mubami has 13 consonants and at least 5 vowels as follows:

Medial Inland Gulf apical nasal /*n/ has been merged with non-stop /l/; however /n/ occurs medially as well as initially because medial velar non-stop /*ɣ̃/ has become /n/, as it has across Inland Gulf, initial /*ɣ̃/ having merged in Mubami wtih /g/.

Like Ipiko, Mubami reflects Inland Gulf velar voiceless stop /*k/ as glottal stop /ʔ/ medially and as zero intially; thus glottal stop occurs only medially. Velar voiceless stop /k/ is found only in loans, hence brackets above.

Inland Gulf initial palatal non-stop /*j/ has been merged with apical voiced stop /d/ in Mubami, in parallel with the merger of initial velar /*ɣ̃/ with /g/.

Neither final consonants nor consonant clusters occur.

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Attestations which follow are drawn from Franklin (1973: CITE, 578) Reesink (1976: 31-34) and MacKenzie (2002):

Bilabial nasal /m/ is retained as such in all dialects:

Apical nasal /n/ is retained as such in all dialects. Initial /n/ reflects Inland Gulf /*n/, while medial /n/ reflects /*ɣ̃/, hence is much less common:

Bilabial voiceless stop /p/ is retained as such in all dialects:

Apical voiceless stop /t/ is retained as such in all dialects:

Glottal stop /ʔ/ occurs only medially:

Bilabial voiced stop /b/ is retained as such in all dialects:

Apical voiced stop /d/ is retained as such in all dialects. No distinction is drawn between those /d/ which reflect Inland Gulf /*d/ and those which reflect initial palatal non-stop /*j/:

In several examples in which /d/ is followed by /g/ in a subsequent syllable, MacKenzie's forms show the irregular alternation [d g]:

Velar voiced stop /g/ is generally retained as such in all dialects. Medially, it is sometimes lenited to [ɣ], which may be heard as zero. No distinction is drawn betwen those /g/ which reflect Inland Gulf /*g/ and those which reflect initial velar non-stop /*ɣ̃/:

Bilabial fricative /ɸ/ …:

Laminal /s/ …:

Bilabial non-stop /w/ …:

Apical non-stop /l/ … It is typically realized as a lateral, and only occasionally heard as a rhotic. No distinction is drawn between those /l/ which reflect Inland Gulf /*ɾ/ and those which reflect medial /*n/:

Velar voiceless stop /k/ occurs only in loans, Inland Gulf /*k/ having been deoccluded to glottal stop /ʔ/:

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High front vowel /i/ …:

High back vowel /u/ …:

Mid front vowel /e/ …:

Mid back vowel /o/ …:

Low central vowel /a/ …:

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Mubami free pronouns are as follows, with attestations drawn from Franklin (1973: CITE,) Reesink (1976: 31, n.d.) and MacKenzie (2002):

Nothing is known about Mubami verbal morphology.

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Loans from Dibiyaso … with Dibiyaso attestations drawn from Rueck, MacKenzie and Alemán (2005: 8-20 following MacKenzie and Carr):