Kamang
Timothy Usher, Santa Fe Institute
Situation
[under construction]
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Dialects
[under construction]
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Sources
Stokhof (1975) 117 comparative terms for Woisika (Central East Pantar) of Letley, Woisika, Pido I, Pido II, Langkuru and Kolomane villages
Stokhof (1977) ethography of Woisika
Stokhof (1978) Woisika text
Stokhof (1979) phonology of Woisika
Schapper and Manimau (2011) dictionary of Kamang, including some Takailubui, Suboo and South West variants
Schapper (2014) grammar of Kamang of Atoitaa, Sama and Takailubui villages
Holton, Klamer, Kratochvíl, Robinson and Schapper (2012) proto-Alor-Pantar includes Kamang reflexes
Holton and Robinson (2014) proto-Alor-Pantar includes Kamang reflexes
Schapper, Huber and van Engelhoven (2014) proto-Alor-Pantar includes Kamang reflexes
Phonology
[under construction]
Schapper (2014: 225-232) gives 14 to 16 consonants and 5 vowel qualities distinguished by length for Kamang as follows:
m | n | ŋ | ||
p | t | k | [ʔ] | |
b | d | g | ||
ɸ | s | [h] | ||
w | l | j |
i i: | u u: | |
e e: | o o: | |
a a: |
Apical rhotic non-stop [r] is considered an allopohone of voiced stop /d/, which is realized as either [d r] between vowels but as only [d] initially.
Velar voiceless stop /k/ is realized as either stop or fricative [k x] between vowels but as only [k] initially.
Bilabial voiceless stop /w/ is occluded to [β] between vowels but is realized as [w] initially.
The reflexes of initial velar voiced stop /g/ are unusual: before a back vowel, it is realized as bilabial non-stop [w], while before other vowels it is realized as either velar stop [g] or as palatal non-stop [j]. Thus, it is phonetically indistinguishable from non-stops /w j/. However, the distribution of Alor-Pantar initial /*g/ is limited to reflexes of the third person while medial /*g/ has been lost in Kamang (Holton, Klamer, Robinson, Kratochvíl and Schapper 2014: 97-99,) so the presence of /g/ would usually be determinable on historical morphological grounds.
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Pronouns
Schapper (2014: 246-261) gives Kamang free pronouns in eleven case forms broken into three groups, basic pronouns, quanitfying pronouns and focus pronouns, as follows. No distinction is drawn between singular and plural third persons:
agent | unrestricted | possessive | reflexive | |
ø | -l | -en/-in | -adu/-idu | |
1 sg. | na | na-l | ne:n | na:du |
2 sg. | a | a-l | e:n | a:du |
3 sg./pl. | ga | ga-l | ge:n | ga:du |
common | ta | ta-l | te:n | ta:du |
1 pl. excl. | ni | ni-l | ni:n | ni:du |
1 pl. incl. | si | si-l | si:n | si:du |
2 pl. | i | i-l | i:n | i:du |
alone | dual | all | group | |
-l:oᵘ | -n:ok | -ima | -iɸu | |
1 sg. | nal:oᵘ | — | — | — |
2 sg. | al:oᵘ | — | — | — |
3 sg./pl. | gal:oᵘ | gan:ok | gaⁱma | geⁱɸu |
common | tal:oᵘ | tan:ok | — | — |
1 pl. excl. | nil:oᵘ | nin:ok | ni:ma | ni:ɸu |
1 pl. incl. | sil:oᵘ | sin:ok | si:ma | si:ɸu |
2 pl. | il:oᵘ | in:ok | i:ma | i:ɸu |
restrictive foc. | contrastive foc. | other focus | |
-eŋ/-iŋ | -era/-ira | -et/-it | |
1 sg. | ne:ŋ | nera | net |
2 sg. | e:ŋ | era | et |
3 sg./pl. | ge:ŋ | gera | get |
common | te:ŋ | tira | tet |
1 pl. excl. | ni:ŋ | ni:ra | nit |
1 pl. incl. | si:ŋ | sira | sit |
2 pl. | i:ŋ | ira | it |
In addition to the free pronouns above,, Schapper (2014: 251-253, 259-261) gives pronominal prefixes in seven case forms as follows, with patients/inalienable possesors found in both full and reduced forms (pp. 232)::
patientive | genitive | locative | dative | directive | assistive | self-ben. | |
-ø- | -e-/-ø- | -o- | -e:-/--ao-/-o:- | -o:- | -eʔ- | ||
1 sg. | na- ≈ n- | ne- | no- | ne:- | nao- | no:- | neʔ- |
2 sg. | a- ≈ ø- | e- | o- | e:- | ao- | o:- | eʔ- |
3 sg./pl. | ga- ≈ g- | ge- | wo- | ge:- | gao- | wo:- | geʔ- |
common | ta- ≈ t- | te- | to- | te:- | tao- | to:- | teʔ- |
1 pl. excl. | ni- | ni- | nio- | ni:- | nio:- | nio:- | niʔ- |
1 pl. incl. | si- | si- | sio- | si:- | sio:- | sio:- | siʔ- |
2 pl. | i- | i- | io- | i:- | io:- | io:- | iʔ- |
Verbal morphology
[under construction]
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