Kaluli

Timothy Usher, Santa Fe Institute

Situation

Kaluli, also known as Bosavi, is spoken by approximately 2,500 people (2004) living in villages around 750-800 meters above sea level on the northern and western slopes of Mount Bosavi, between the Libano and Rentoul rivers to the north and west and the Bifo river to the east, in Papua New Guinea's Southern Highlands Province just east of the border with Western Province. Speakers call themselves Kaluli /kʰaɺu-ɺi/, meaning “real people,” and consider themselves part of a larger group Bosabi Kalu /bosabi kʰaɺu/ which includes speakers of at least the Kasua, Sonia and Onobasulu languages (Shaw 1973: 195, Voorhoeve 1975: 394, Schieffelin and Feld 1998: xi, Grosh and Grosh 2000: 4, 2004a: 7, 2004b: 59, Bodani 2006: 1, q.v. Schieffelin and Feld 1998: ix, 22.)

Dialects

The Kaluli divide their language into four dialects, Kaluli, Ologo in the east and Walulu and Kugenesi (Wisesi) in the west, as follows; however Grosh and Grosh were unable to find any linguistic correlaries to this division (Schieffelin and Feld 1998: xi, Grosh and Grosh 2000: 1, 4-5):

Kaluli

Ologo – Wasu, Didesa

Kaluli – Wabamisen, Wogodagan, Suguniga, Bona, Muluma

Walulu – Orabia, Tabili, Wanageso, Gambano, Sibalama, Wasoweido, Baniso

Kugenesi – no current village, living in Wanageso and other villages

Baniso village is properly Sonia-speaking, but the Sonia language is being replaced by Walulu, which has in turn adopted some terms from Sonia.

Sources

Rule (1964) phonology and grammar of Kaluli (unobtained)

Anonymous and Rule (2009) sketch phonology of Kaluli

McElhanon and Voorhoeve (1970) include Kaluli comparisons under the name Bosavi

Franklin (ed. 1973: 558) 95 comparative terms for Kaluli

Shaw (1986: 66) 99 comparative terms for Kaluli

Schieffelin and Feld (1998) dictionary of Bosavi

Rumsey San Roque and Schieffelin (2012) Kaluli ergative

Grosh and Grosh (1991) sociolinguistic survey of Kaluli (unobtained)

Grosh and Grosh (1993) sociolinguistic survey of Kaluli (unobtained)

Grosh and Grosh (2000) sociolinguistic survey of Kaluli

Grosh and Grosh (2004) grammar of Kaluli of Suguniga and Didesa villages

Grosh and Grosh (2004) phonology of Kaluli

Phonology

Schieffelin and Feld (1998: xiv-xvi, cf. Grosh and Grosh 2004b: 60, ibid., Anonymous and Rule 2009) give 13 consonants and 7 vowels for Kaluli as follows:

m n
 tʰ  kʰ
b d g
f s h
w ɺ j
i u
e o
ɛ ɔ
a

Vowels are further distinguished by the presence or absence of nasalization:

i ĩ
u ũ
e
o õ
ɛ ɛ̃
ɔ ɔ̃
a ã

Grosh and Grosh write what are given here as voiced stops /b d g/ as plain voiceless <p t k>. Anonymous and Rule (2009) assert that voiced /b d g/ are realized as voiceless [p t k] initially, but Grosh and Grosh (pp. 60-62,) give a number of examples in which initial plain voiceless stops are realized as voiced, and (p. 64) state that medials are usually but not always voiced, while slight voicing may be heard initially. Schieffen and Feld (pp. xiv-xv) argue the opposite, stating that /b d/ are always realized as devoiced [p t] despite Rule's characterization, although they qualify that medial velar /g/ is lenited to a fricative [ɣ] adjacent to vowels /o ɔ a/. We represent this series as voiced as <b d g> in accordance with Rule's and Schieffelin and Feld's orthography as this is what they are both systemically and historically.

Voiceless aspirated stops /tʰ kʰ/ do not occur finally, and occur medially only in compounds and loans.

Fricative /f/ is specified as labiodental.

Apical non-stop /ɺ/ is specified as a flapped lateral. When followed by rounded back vowels /u o ɔ/ it is realized as retroflexed [ɭ]. It does not occur initially.

Voiceless aspirated stops /tʰ kʰ/ may be realized as fricatives [s x], with some speakers merging /tʰ/ with [s] consistently and all those who realize /kʰ/​ as [x] doing so consistently (Schieffelin and Feld 1998: xv, xvi, Grosh and Grosh 2004b: 64) As Papuan Plateau voiceless aspirated bilabial /*pʰ/ has already been fricated to /f/, these trends may be viewed as continuing this process, the end result of which is to eliminate contrastive voicing altogether as follows, bearing in mind that initial voiced stops are realized as voiceless unaspirated stops initially, thus voiced medial stops would be considered allophones of these:

m n
p t k
f s x h
w ɺ j

This is very similar to the systems of the Mount Sisa languages to the northeast and of Kasua to the southwest, except that the former have merged initial voiceless apical stop /*t/ with /d/ rather than with /s/, while both merge velar stops /*k *g/ rather than fricating /*k/ to /x/. The resulting distinction between velar and unoccluded fricatives /x h/ is typologically unusual from a New Guinean perspective. The frication of /*t/ to /s/ is shared with Onabasulu to the north as well as with the closely-related Kasua language to the southeast.

According to Schieffelin and Feld (p. xiv,) some speakers realize low mid front vowel /ɛ/ as low front [æ], to which it regularly corresponds in Kasua.

Only a restricted subset of consonants occurs finally:

m n
b g
f s
ɺ

Final nasals and non-stop /m n ɺ/ are realized as devoiced [m̥ n̥ ɺ̥].

Final voiced stops /b g/ are realized as devoiced and unreleased [p̚ k̚].

Final phonetic glides [w j] are interpreted as sequential high vowels /u i/ in a phonetic diphthong (below.)

Consonant clusters do not occur synchronically, although the previous existence of clusters across morpheme boundaries is evident in the inflections third-person possessed kin terms and consonant-final verb roots (below.)

Vowel sequences are of two types. Where the second vowel in the sequence is of equal or greater height than the first, the sequence is heard as a diphthong and constitutes a single syllable [eⁱ oⁱ ɛⁱ ɔⁱ aⁱ ɛᵘ ɔᵘ aᵘ aᵒ]. Where the second vowel is lower than the first, each vowel is its own syllable, excepting only that sequences /kʰuV guV/ are realized as [kʰʷV gʷV]. Sequences of two identical vowels do not generally occur. Observed vowel sequences include:

i u e o ɛ ɔ a
i io ia
u ua
e ei ea
o oi
ɛ ɛi ɛu
ɔ ɔi ɔu
a ai au ao

Schieffelin and Feld (1998: xvi, Grosh and Grosh 2004b: 63) are somewhat equivocal in their characterization of the distribution of nasalized vowels, stating that nasalization is found on only a small number of words where it is irreducible, but that there are no known minimal pairs. Where a nasalized vowel is followed by a voiced stop /b d g/, the stop is realized as prenasalized [mb nd ŋg].

Rule proposes a system of three pitch tone levels for Kaluli syllables in which high tone and low tone are contrastive. Schieffelin and Feld (1998: xvi-xviii) reanalyze this as stress. Most often, monosyllables are unstressed, disyllables are stressed on the first syllable, and trisyllables are stressed on the first syllable except for first person future forms which take penultimate stress, as do words with four syllables. Stress is changed, generally to the penult, by the addition of affixes. Schieffelin and Feld indicate stress only where it is contrastive; Grosh and Grosh don't indicate it at all.

Pronouns

Grosh and Grosh (2004a: 35-42) give pronouns in eleven case forms for Kaluli. We divide these into several groups according to their shared bases as follows:

   stem I stem II stem III
 1 sg. ne  ni  n-
 2 sg. ge  gi  g-
 3 sg. e  e  e-/ø-
 1 pl. ni  niɺi  n-
 2 pl. gi  giɺi  g-
 3 pl. i  iɺi  e-/ø-
 1 dl. nɛn  nai(n)  nai(n)
 2 dl. gɛg  gai(n)  gai(n)
 3 dl. ɛɺɛ  ɛɺɛ-mɛ  idɛni(n)

The singular forms of stems I and III are identical to the possessive proclitics and prefixes found on class II and class I kin terms respectively (below.)

Upon these bases are appended suffixes deriving case forms as follows:

   stem singular  plural  dual
 subject/object  I  -ø  -ɔ  -ɔ/-ø
 dative  I  -mɔ  -mɔ  -mɔ ~ -bɔ
 limiter  I  -kʰɔ  -kʰɔ  -kʰɔ
 possessive  II  -ø/-ne  -ø  -ø/-mɛ
 focused  II  -ɔ  -ɔ  -ɔ
 poss. complim.  II  -nɔ  -nɔ  -nɔ
 relative  II  -ɺɔ  -dɔ  -dɔ
 contrastive  II  -sa  —  -asi ~ -ase
 poss. exclusive III  -ɔnɔn  -(i)nin  -ø
 reflexive  III  -ɔnɔn-ɛmɛɺɛ -(i)nin-ɛmɛɺɛ -ø-ɛmɛɺɛ
 exclusive  III  -inɛɺi  -egeɺe(-si)  -siɺi

The bases of the unmarked case used for both subject and object are designated as stem I. These are also the bases of the dative, used to indicate recipients of items and actions, and the limiter case, used to contrast a specific reference to some other entity:

   stem I subject/object dative  limiter
     -ø/-ɔ  -mɔ ~ bɔ -kʰɔ
 1 sg. ne  ne-ø  ne-mɔ  ne-kʰɔ
 2 sg. ge  ge-ø  ge-mɔ  ge-kʰɔ
 3 sg. e  e-ø  e-mɔ  e-kʰɔ
 1 pl. ni  nij-ɔ  ni-mɔ  ni-kʰɔ
 2 pl. gi  gij-ɔ  gi-mɔ  gi-kʰɔ
 3 pl. i  ij-ɔ  i-mɔ  i-kʰɔ
 1 dl. nɛn  nɛn-ɔ  nɛn-bɔ  nɛn-kʰɔ
 2 dl. gɛg  gɛg-ɔ  gɛg-bɔ  gɛg-kʰɔ
 3 dl. ɛɺɛ  ɛɺɛ-ø  ɛɺɛ-mɔ  ɛɺɛ-kʰɔ

Pronouns in the unmarked possessive case precede the nominal they modify, and excepting the third person singular are identical to the stem II bases. The focused subject/object case highlights a focused referent in a clause, most typically but not limited to ergative referents. The possessive complement case is used to refer to something which is possessed (“mine” etc.) Relative pronouns are used in nominalized clauses. It is not really clear that the contrastive pronouns, which are used to emphasize that the agent is not who would be expected from a preceding clause, are based upon stem II forms, but there is nothing either to contradict it so they are presented here:

   stem II possessive focused  poss. comp. relative  contrastive
     -ø/-ne -ɔ  -nɔ  -ɺɔ ~ -dɔ -sa/-asi ~ -ase
 1 sg. ni  ni-ø  nij-ɔ  ni-nɔ  ni-ɺɔ  ni-sa
 2 sg. gi  gi-ø  gij-ɔ  gi-nɔ  gi-ɺɔ  gi-sa
 3 sg. e  e-ne  ej-ɔ  e-nɔ  e-ɺɔ  e-sa
 1 pl. niɺi  niɺi-ø  niɺij-ɔ  niɺi-nɔ  niɺi-dɔ  —
 2 pl. giɺi  giɺi-ø  giɺij-ɔ  giɺi-nɔ  giɺi-dɔ  —
 3 pl. iɺi  iɺi-ø  iɺij-ɔ  iɺi-nɔ  iɺi-dɔ  —
 1 dl. nai(n)  nai-ø  nain-ɔ  nai-nɔ  nain-dɔ  nani-asi
 2 dl. gai(n)  gai-ø  gain-ɔ  gai-nɔ  gain-dɔ  gaj-ase
 3 dl. ɛɺɛ-mɛ  ɛɺɛ-mɛ-ø  ɛɺɛ-mɛ-ø ɛɺɛ-mɛ-no  ɛɺɛ-mɛ-ɺɔ  —

The possessive exclusive highlights the possessor in contrast to others. The singulars and plurals of the reflexive case, used when the agent of an action is also its object, are based upon those of the possessive exclusive. Dual possessive exclusives are not attested; the second and third person dual reflexives appear to be suffixed stem II forms (above):

   stem III poss. excl.  reflexive
     -ɔnɔn/-(i)nin/-ø -“-ɛmɛɺɛ
 1 sg. n-  n-ɔnɔn  n-ɔnɔn-ɛmɛɺɛ
 2 sg. g-  g-ɔnɔn  g-ɔnɔn-ɛmɛɺɛ
 3 sg. e-  e-nin  ɛ-nɛn-ɛmɛɺɛ
 1 pl. n-  n-inin  n-inin-ɛmɛɺɛ
 2 pl. g-  g-inin  g-inin-ɛmɛɺɛ
 3 pl. ø-  ø-inin  ø-inin-ɛmɛɺɛ
 1 dl. nai(n)  —  nain-ɛmɛɺɛ
 2 dl. gai(n)  —  gain-ɛmɛɺɛ
 3 dl. idɛni(n) —  idɛnin-ɛmɛɺɛ

Exclusive pronouns are used to highlight a participant to the exclusion of others. The suffixes used to indicate this case in the singular, plural and dual respectively are completely different:

   stem III exclusive sg. exclusive pl.  exclusive dl.
     -inɛɺi  -egeɺe(-si) -siɺi
 1 sg. n-  n-inɛɺi  —  —
 2 sg. g-  g-inɛɺi  —  —
 3 sg. ø-  ø-inɛɺi  —  —
 1 pl. n-  —  n-egeɺe(-si)  —
 2 pl. g-  —  g-egeɺe(-si)  —
 3 pl. ø-  —  ø-egeɺe(-si)  —
 1 dl. nain  —  —  nain-siɺi
 2 dl. gain  —  —  gain-siɺi
 3 dl. idɛni  —  —  idɛni(-siɺi)

Kin terms

In addition to the free pronouns given above, Grosh and Grosh (2004a: 15) provide a list of 20 kin terms, most of which which take one of three prefixed or procliticized inalienable possessors differentiated by person but not by number. These are identical to stem III and stem I respectively of the free pronouns (above,) except for the third person prefix which is unique to the possessive construction (though may be found on the stem III form of the third person dual /idɛni(n)/)::

   prefix  proclitic
 first  n- ~ nV- ne
 second g- ~ gV- ge
 third  in- ~ i- e

Suppletive forms aside, inalienably possessed kin terms may be divided according to their patterns of prefixation into classes with subclasses as follows:

   first second third
 Ia  n-  g-  in-
 Ib  n-  g-  e n-
 Ic  n-  g-  ø
 Id  n-  g-  ene
 IIa ø  ge  e
 IIb ne  ge  e

Class I roots take prefixed possessors. Probably the oldest layer of these is represented by meanings for which the first and second persons are indicated by prefixes /n- g-/ and the third person by /in-/. When prefixed first and second singular possessors are followed by consonant initial roots, a copy vowel of the first vowel of the root, or a high vowel if the root begins with a glide, is interpolated between them. Final /n/ in the third person disappears in some contexts and alters the following consonant in others, a phenomenon also found in the inflections of verb roots with final /n/ (below):

   class  first  second  third
   Ia g- ~ gV- n- ~ gV- in- ~ i-
 father's sister an  n-an  g-an  i-an
 grandmother  u  n-u  g-u  in-u
 inlaw via f.  bas  na-bas  ga-bas  i-das
 daughter  ɺɛ  nɛ-ɺɛ  gɛ-ɺɛ  i-dɛ
 housemates  jasi  ni-asi  gi-asi  i-asi

In one example, the prefixes are regular but the root of the third person form is suppletive; cf. /sɔwa/ “son”:

   class  first  second third
   Ia g- n- in-
 son ɔɺ/sɔ  n-ɔɺ  g-ɔɺ  in-sɔ

(Grosh and Grosh give /inso/; cf. Schieffelin and Feld 1998: 131)

One example has an unprefixed suppletive form in the first person and a (probably) prefixed suppletive form in the third:

   class  first  second third
   Ia  — g- i-
 father do/oɺ/ja do  g-oɺ  i-ja

In the second subclass, the third person possessive proclitic is found before a prefix which is superficially identical to that of the first person, but more likely reflects third person /in-/:

   class  first  second third
   Ib n- g- e n-
 purchaser  ɛsu  n-ɛsu  g-ɛsu  e n-ɛsu
 father's br. awa  n-awa  g-awa  e n-awa

In the third subclass, the third person possessor is signified (or not) by zero:

   class  first  second third
   Ic n- g- ø
 brother ao  n-ao  g-ao  ao
 sister  ado  n-ado  g-ado  ado

One example has an unprefixed suppletive form in the third person:

   class  first  second third
   Ic n- g- ø
 mother ɔ/ano  n-ɔ  g-ɔ  ano

In one example, the independent third person singular possessive form is given:

   class  first  second  third
   Id nV- gV- ene
 cross-cousin sɔg  nɔ-sɔg  gɔ-sɔg  ene sɔg

Class II roots take proclitic possessors in the second and third persons, but usually zero in the first, a fact which might be interpreted to suggest that they originated as address forms:

   class  first  second  third
   IIa ø  ge  e
 grandfather  mɛmu  mɛmu    e mɛmu
 mother's br.  babo  babo  ge babo  e babo
 w.'s sister's h. sõba  sõba  ge sõba  e sõba
 child  sowa  sowa  ge sowa  e sowa
 inlaw via m.  kʰɛɺɛn  kʰɛɺɛn ge kʰɛɺɛn e kʰɛɺɛn

In a smaller number of examples, the first person is likewise signified by a proclitic:

   class  first  second  third
   IIb ne  ge  e
 parent-in-law  ɛsɔ  ne ɛsɔ  ge ɛsɔ  e ɛsɔ
 m.'s sister's h. kʰowa  ne-kʰowa ge-kʰowa e kʰowa

Counting system

Kaluli has a body-part counting system of the type characteristic of the New Guinea region in which the term for the number is identical to that for the body part which is touched during tallying. Counting begins from the left pinkie at one, proceeding to the thumb and then up the left side of the body until reaching the tip of the nose, then proceeding downward on the right side of the body as follows (Schieffelin and Feld 1998: 173-174, Grosh and Grosh 2004a: 45-57):

   left side   right side 
 pinkie  1  ageɺ  35  fudɔ
 ring finger  2  andeb  34  no andeb
 middle finger  3  asɔɺ  33  no asɔɺ
 index finger  4  fɛɺɛdameɺ 32  no fɛɺɛdameɺ
 thumb  5  bi  31  no bi
 palm  6  dɔgɔfe  30  no dɔgɔfe
 inner wrist  7  dom  29  no dom
 forearm  8  o  28  no o
 inner elbow  9  agatɔ  27  no agatɔ
 bicep  10  dɔ  26  no dɔ
 shoulder joint 11  kʰeɺen  25  no kʰeɺen
 collarbone  12  kʰugu  24  no kʰugu
 side of neck  13  dagas  23  no dagas
 ear  14  kʰɛɺɛn  22  no kʰɛɺɛn
 cheek  15  babo  21  no babo
 eye  16  si  20  no si
 side of nose  17  mi-o  19  no mi-o
 tip of nose  18  mi-ɺifiɺe —  —

Nominal morphology

[under construction]

… (Grosh and Grosh 2004a: 50-52):

   
 dative  -mɔ ~ -bɔ
 just  -kʰa
 only  -kʰɔ
 complete -ɺe ~ -de
 relative -ɺɔ
 ergative -jɛ ~ -wɛ ~ -ɛ
 locative -ja ~ -wa ~ -a
 topic  -jɔ
 nominal  -jo

Verbal morphology

[under construction]

Portions of the presentation which follows are based upon Grosh and Grosh's (2004a: 16-30) description of Kaluli verbal morphology, but with significant modifications.

Suffix-initial consonants and vowels which are dropped when following consonant-final and vowel-final roots respectively are indicated with parentheses below. In a number of Grosh and Grosh's representations this consonant was not indicated; we have added them here after their examples and those of Schieffelin and Feld (1998.) This is the first important difference between our analyses as it allows us to reduce most stem variations to the regular application of phonological rules (below.)

We depart from Grosh and Grosh's (2004a: 16, 16-26) terminology in designating their STEM2 and STEM3 as stem III and stem II respectively, thus altering Schieffelin and Feld's (1998: xi-xii, ibid.) order of presentation. This was done because stems I and II share phonological similarities vis-a-vis stems III and IV, with stem I being maintained as such because it, followed by the imperative suffix, is Schieffelin and Feld's citation form, as well as that used when followed by another root in a compound.

Person is distinguished in only two tenses. These are likely the remnant of a once-broader pattern:

   future  present
 first  -(m)ɛnɔ -(ɺ)ɔɺ
 second/third -(m)ɛib -(ɺ)ab

(Grosh and Grosh give /-(m)eib/ second and third person future while examples in Schieffelin and Feld give /-(m)ɛib/; we follow the latter.)

Final (i.e. independent) verbs take tense/aspect/mood suffixes as follows:

   stem tense
 pr. imper. 1  I  -(m)a
 pr. imper. 2  I  -(m)ɛ
 pr. imper. 3  I  -(m)ɔ
 1 future  II  -(m)ɛnɔ
 2/3 future  II  -(m)ɛib
 hortative  II  -(m)ɛni-kʰi
 1 present  III  -(ɺ)ɔɺ
 2/3 present  III  -(ɺ)ab
 habitual 1  III  -(ɺ)an
 habitual 2  III  -(ɺ)ɛsen
 past prog. 1  III  -(ɺ)aɺe
 past prog. 2  III  -(ɺ)abe
 fut. imperative III  -(ɺ)ɛbi
 prohibitive  III  -(ɺ)ɛsɔbo
 past  IV  -ɔ/-ɛ

Medial (i.e. dependent) verbs take tense/aspect/mood suffixes as follows:

   stem tense
 purposive DS  I  -(m)ɛ-kʰi
 purposive SS  II  -(m)ɛni
 neg. purposive II  -(m)abɛnɛ-kʰi
 sequential  III  -(ɺ)ɛsɛgɛ
 simultaneous  III  -(ɺ)abi-kʰi
 same frame  III  -(ɺ)a(ɺi)-kʰi
 conditional  III  -(ɺ)aɺega

It may be seen that all of these suffixes underlyingly begin with bilabial nasal /m/ or apical non-stop /ɺ/, excepting only the past which is a single vowel. Their phonological shape along with those of the roots to which they are appended (below) determine the realizations of the stem and suffix alike.

The reason for the difference between stem I forms and those which take stem II is not immediately clear, as both are followed by suffixes beginning with underlying /m/. The answer would seem to be stress, since imperatives are monosyllabic but stem II forms are not; indeed Schieffelin and Feld (1998: xviii) state explicitly that the addition of first person future /-(m)ɛnɔ/ shifts stress to the penult, which the addition of (e.g.) imperative /-ma/ does not. This would explain all of Grash and Grosh's forms excepting the different subject purposive /-(m)ɛki/, which their examples consistently show to take stem I forms (/maj-ækʰi/ “eat”, /di-mækʰi/ “take”, /asuw-ɛ-fo-mækʰi/ “help”.) This in turn might be solved by observing that the segment /kʰi/ must itself represent a suffix, as is mandated on phonological grounds and supported by its frequency as a final element in the forms above; since the other suffixes with initial /m/ upon which /-kʰi/ appears were multisyllabic already so would be assigned to stem II.

Grosh and Grosh give three aspect auxilliaries as follows:

   stem aspect  tense
 prospective  II  -(m)ɛnig- present
 pr. continuative  III  -ɛɺ-  present
 fut. continuative III  -meɺ-  future

According to Grosh and Grosh, the vowel of the future continuative harmonizes with that of the following future suffix, which is first person /-ɛnɔ/ or second and third person /-eib/, thus either /-mɛɺ-ɛnɔ/ or /-meɺ-eib/; however as noted above Schieffelin and Feld give the latter suffix as /-ɛib/, which we credit in part because the vowel sequence /ei/ is otherwise only very marginally attested (e.g. tʰuɺunei/ “ground dove”) while Grosh and Grosh's own phonology (2004b: 67) gives this suffix as /-ɛib/. Moreover, it's clear that both /-meɺ-/ and Grosh and Grosh's present continuative /-ɛɺ-/ are respectively the stem Ii and stem III forms of /meɺe-/ “stand; wait, exist, stay” in compounds with the preceding stems (below;) it is not the case that this occurs only with future tense suffixes as is implicitly suggested in Grosh and Grosh. Schieffelin and Feld give the variation /-mɛɺ-ɛnɔ/ in only one example, casting doubt upon the general validity of this phenomenon.

More doubtful still is the claim that the suffixation of /meɺ-/ induces the stem III form of the preceding root, as this would contradict the phonological bases governing stem selection as well as compounding rules which generally require stem I in the first member (below;) in fact the results would be nearly incoherent as stem III forms are specifically the results of syllable reduction (or not) or clustering with following underlying suffix-initial /ɺ/. For instance the verb /do-fo-/, one of two examples given (p. 26,) would become in stem III merely /do-ø-/ while strengthening following /ɺ/ to [tʰ s] (see auxilliary /-fo-/ below) as seen in Schieffelin and Feld (1998: 41.)

In addition to these, there are six suffixes which follow inflected final verb forms, all but one of which mark the evidentiary status of an action. The uncertainty suffix must be viewed as an enclitic, as it is found also on nominals:

 observed  -(ɔ)ɺɔb
 past reported 1 -ɺaɺe
 past reported 2 -ɺabe
 pres. reported  -ɺɔbo
 uncertain  -(j)eɺe ~ -weɺe
 intensive  -kʰɛ

… prefixes … (Grosh and Grosh 2004a: 52, 58-60)

 repeated  ɛ-
 incomplete  ɔ-
 negative  mɔ-
 anticipated se-

Kaluli verbs can be divided into classes according to the pattern of variation between their stem forms, which is determined by the phonotactic shape and the final segment(s) of the underlying root. The most fundamental divisions are those between multisyllabic roots and monosyllabic roots, which are uncommon but highly salient in meaning, and between roots with final vowels and those with one of a restricted set of final consonants.

For a number of contrasts in the realizations of multisyllabic verb roots, these final segments are not alone sufficient to explain the variation. In these instances we have posited contrastive stress <ˈ>, possibly at the pre-Kaluli stage; we do not assert that this stress is synchronically present. It is not clear if this is the same phenomenon as Rule's tone, reanalyzed by Schieffelin and Feld (1998: xvi-xviii) as stress, which is shown here as <V́> as in Schieffelin and Feld's dictionary. Accordinly, we refer to our as stress and to Schieffelin and Feld's <V́> as tone.

Verb roots are of the following shapes:

 ˈ(C)V-
 ˈ(C)VC-
 ˈ(C)VCV-
 (C)VˈCV-
 (C)VˈCVC-
 (C)VˈCVCV-
 (C)VCVˈCV-
 (C)VCVˈCVC-
 (C)VCVˈCVCV-

It has been noted above that apical voiceless aspirated stop /tʰ/ may be realized as fricative [s], with some speakers of the central (Kaluli) dialect merging these consistently (Schieffelin and Feld 1998: xv, xvi, Grosh and Grosh 2004b: 64.) As Schieffelin and Feld's dictionary is based promarily upon the central dialect, most of these entries are ordered as <s> with variations indicated in the entry. Only a small minority of forms are given with invariable [tʰ] (q.v. pp. 138-140.) To simplify the presentation which follows, sounds which vary between [s tʰ] are given here simply as <tʰ>.

Patterns of suffixation are summarized as follows, with present imperative /-ma/, future imperative /-(ɺ)ɛbi/, first person future /-(m)ɛnɔ/ and past /-ɔ/ suffixes (above) illustrating the dispositions of stems I through IV as found in Schieffelin and Feld (1998) (though with stems II and III swapped as noted above):

 final  I  II  III  IV
   -ma -(m)ɛnɔ -(ɺ)ɛbi -ɔ
 nV-/_i e nV-ma  nV-mɛnɔ  j-ɛbi  j-ɔ
 nV-/o_  nV-ma  nV-mɛnɔ  uw-ɛbi  uw-ɔ
 bV-  bV-ma  bV-mɛnɔ  b-ɛbi  b-ɔ
 dV-  ɺV-ma  ɺV-mɛnɔ  d-ɛbi  d-ɔ
 ˈdV-  dV-ma  dV-mɛnɔ  d-ɛbi  d-ɔ
 gV-  gV-ma  gV-mɛnɔ  g-ɛbi  g-ɔ
 ˈgV-  gV-ma  gV-mɛnɔ  gV-ɺɛbi  g-ɔ
 fV-  fV-ma  fV-mɛnɔ  f-ɛbi  f-ɔ
 ˈfV-  fV-ma  fV-mɛnɔ  fV-ɺɛbi  f-ɔ
 sV-  sV-ma  sV-mɛnɔ  s-ɛbi  s-ɔ
 ˈsV-  sV-ma  sV-mɛnɔ  sV-ɺɛbi  sV-ø
 ˈsV₂-  sV-ma  sV-mɛnɔ  sV-ɺɛbi  s-ɔ
 ɺV-  ɺV-ma  ɺV-mɛnɔ  ɺ-ɛbi  ɺ-ɔ
 ˈɺV-  ɺV-ma  ɺV-mɛnɔ  ɺV-ɺɛbi  ɺV-ø
 -fo₁-  fo-ma  f-ɛnɔ  ø-tʰɛbi  f-ɛ
 -fo₂-  -fo-ma  -f-ɛnɔ  -ø-tʰɛbi  -f-ɔ
 -ɺɛ-  -ɺɛ-ma  -ɺɛ-mɛnɔ  -ɺ-ɛbi  -ɺ-ɛ
 n-  ø-ma  ø-mɛnɔ  j-ɛbi  j-ɔ
 d-  ø-ma  ø-mɛnɔ  d-ɛbi  d-ɔ
 ɺ-  ø-ma  ø-mɛnɔ  ɺ-ɛbi  ɺ-ɔ
 ˈCi-  Ci-ma  Cij-ɛnɔ  Cij-ɛbi  Ci-ø
 ˈmi-  mi-na  mij-ɛnɔ  mij-ɛbi  mi-ø
 ˈme-  me-na  mij-ɛnɔ  ?  mij-ɔ
 ˈCɛ-  Cɛ-ma  Cɛ-mɛnɔ  Cɛ-ɺɛbi  C-ɛ
 ˈCa₁-  Ca-ma  Cɛ-mɛnɔ  Cɛ-ɺɛbi  Cij-ɔ ~ Cej-ɔ
 ˈCa₂-  Ca-ma  Cɛ-mɛnɔ  Cɛ-ɺɛbi  Cej-ɔ
 ˈCɔ-  Cɔ-ma  Cɔ-mɛnɔ  Cɔ-ɺɛbi  Cɔ-ø
 ˈCo-  Co-ma  Co-mɛnɔ  Cow-ɛbi  Cow-ɔ
 ˈCu-  Cu-ma  Cu-mɛnɔ  Cu-ɺɛbi  Cu­-ø
 ˈCɛu-  Cɛu-ma  Cɛu-mɛnɔ  Cɛuw-ɛbi  Cɛuw-ɔ
 ˈCau-  Cau-ma  Cau-mɛnɔ  ?  ?
 ˈCVm-  CVmV-na CV-nɛnɔ  CV-nɛbi  ?
 ˈCVb-  CVb-a  CVb-ɛnɔ  CV-dɛbi  CVb-ɛ
 ˈCVf-  CVf-a  CVf-ɛnɔ  CV-tʰɛbi  CVf-ɛ
 ˈCun-  Cunu-ma Cu-mɛnɔ  Cun-dɛbi  Cu(w)-ɔ
 ˈCan-  Cana-ma Cɛ-mɛnɔ  Cɛn-dɛbi  Cɔn-ɔ
 ˈCVd-  CVɺV-ma CVɺV-mɛnɔ  CVd-ɛbi  CVd-ɔ
 ˈCVs-  ?  CV-fɛnɔ  CV-tʰɛbi  ?
 ˈCVg-  CVgV-  CV-bɛnɔ  CV-dɛbi  CVg-ɔ
 ˈCVɺ-  CVɺV-ma CV-mɛnɔ  CVɺ-ɛbi  CVɺ-ɔ
 ˈCaɺ-  Ca-ma  Cɛ-mɛnɔ  Cɛɺ-ɛbi  Cɔɺ-ɔ

No verbs have been found with stem final /mV-/, while stem-final /m-/ has been found only in the highly abberant monosyllable /ˈham-/ “go” (below.) Presumably these have become /nV-/, as occurs intermittently with now-final /m/ in nominals, or has disappeared, perhaps due to the strong aversion to consecutive occurences of /m/ as seen in several imperative forms (below) in conjunction with the ubiquity of stem I and stem II suffixes (above) which begin with underlying /-m/.

These patterns of stem variation are exemplified in the charts which follow. Where verb paradigms are defective, for example giving a form with an auxilliary in some tenses but not others, or otherwise suppletive, the gaps in the resulting split paradigm are indicated with dashes. Since monosyllabic verb roots are less common and undergo more surprising changes, their paradigms are presented after those of mutlisyllables. As Schieffelin and Feld's (1998) glosses, especially for compounds, are often too involved to recapitulate here, it is recommended that one consult the dictionary to gain a better sense of their meanings.

We begin with multisyllabic roots with final vowels, because these are the most straightfoward of Kaluli's verbal paradigms.

     I  II  III  IV
   bV-  bV-ma bV-mɛnɔ b-ɛbi b-ɔ
 sweep  ˈtʰabe-  tʰabe-ma  tʰabe-mɛnɔ  tʰɛb-ɛbi  tʰɔb-ɔ
 lick  ˈdabe-  dabe-ma  dabe-mɛnɔ  dɛb-ɛbi  dɔb-ɔ
 dance  ˈjaba-  jaba-ma  jaba-mɛnɔ  jɛb-ɛbi  jɔb-ɔ́
 fight  ˈbabu-  babu-ma  babu-mɛnɔ  bub-ɛbi  bub-ɔ́
 jump on log hɛˈbabo- hɛbabo-ma hɛbabo-mɛnɔ hɛbob-ɛbi hɛbob-ɔ
 lack light  dɔˈbubu- dɔbubu-ma dɔbubu-mɛnɔ dɔbub-ɛbi dɔbub-ɔ

     I  II  III  IV
   ˈbV- bV-ma ? ? bV-ø
 hear daˈbu-  dabu-ma  —  —  dabu-ø

… /nV/ … :

     I  II  III  IV
   ni-  ni-ma  ni-mɛnɔ  (i)j-ɛbi (i)j-ɔ
 beg  ˈhɛni-  hɛni-ma  hɛni-mɛnɔ  hɛij-ɛbi  hɛij-ɔ
 pass/overtake  tʰiˈnini- tʰinini-ma tʰinini-mɛnɔ tʰinij-ɛbi  tʰinij-ɔ
 pass through  tʰiˈgini- tʰigini-ma tʰigini-mɛnɔ tʰigij-ɛbi  tʰigij-ɔ
 sew bark cloth  duˈbini-  dubini-ma  dubini-mɛnɔ  dubij-ɛbi  dubij-ɔ
 swing to-fro  doˈgɛni-  dogɛni-ma  dogɛni-mɛnɔ  dogɛij-ɛbi  dogɛij-ɔ
 add to  ɔhoˈgɛni- ɔhogɛni-ma ɔhogɛni-mɛnɔ ɔhogɛj-ɛbi  ɔhogɛij-ɔ
   ne-  ne-ma  ne-mɛnɔ  (i)j-ɛbi (i)j-ɔ
 play  ˈhene-  hene-ma  hene-mɛnɔ  hej-ɛbi  hej-ɔ
 soften  ˈtʰane-  tʰane-ma  tʰane-mɛnɔ  tʰaij-ɛbi  tʰaij-ɔ
 sharpen point  ˈdɔne-  dɔne-ma  dɔne-mɛnɔ  dɔj-ɛbi  dɔij-ɔ
 make thin  aˈbene-  abene-ma  —  —  abej-ɔ
 gather  kʰeˈgene- kʰegene-ma kʰegene-mɛnɔ kʰegej-ɛbi  kʰegej-ɔ
 set on edge  heˈɺene-  heɺene-ma  heɺene-mɛnɔ  heɺej-ɛbi  heɺej-ɔ
 cut pig in half noˈbɛne-  nobɛne-ma  nobɛne-mɛnɔ  nobɛij-ɛbi  nobɛij-ɔ
 ask questions  oˈwane-  owane-ma  owane-mɛnɔ  owaij-ɛbi  owaj-ɔ
 become frail  kʰaˈgane- kʰagane-ma kʰagane-mɛnɔ kʰagaj-ɛbi  kʰagaj-ɔ
 pluck feathers  fɔˈfɔne-  fɔfɔne-ma  fɔfɔne-mɛnɔ  fɔfɔij-ɛbi  fɔfɔij-ɔ
 attend funeral  kʰuˈwɔne- kʰuwɔne-ma kʰuwɔne-mɛnɔ kʰuwɔj-ɛbi  kʰuwɔj-ɔ

… :

     I  II  III  IV
   ni- ni-ma ni-mɛnɔ nj-ɛbi nj-ɔ
 refuse ɛˈɺɛni- ɛɺɛni-ma  ɛɺɛni-mɛnɔ  ɛɺɛnj-ɛbi  ɛɺɛnj-ɔ

Two examples which likewise have stem-final [nj] rather than [j] in stem III and stem IV forms, /gɔɺɔne-/ and /hamane-/, are presented as adjectives (below) and are thus exemplified only by stem III and stem IV forms with second/third person present and past suffixes respectively; their stem I forms are known from their occurence in compounds (below.)

Disyllables of the form /Cona-/ become /Cu(w)-/ in stem III and stem IV forms:

     I  II  III  IV
   Cona- Cona-ma Cona-mɛnɔ Cuw-ɛbi Cuw-ɔ
 scrape bark ˈdona-  dona-ma  dona-mɛnɔ  duw-ɛbi  duw-ɔ
 smoke meat  ˈsona-  sona-ma  sona-mɛnɔ  suw-ɛbi  suw-ɔ́

… /dV-/ …:

     I  II  III  IV
   dV-  ɺV-ma  ɺV-mɛnɔ  d-ɛbi  d-ɔ
 start fire  ˈgidi-  giɺi-ma  giɺi-mɛnɔ  gid-ɛbi  gid-ɔ
 mark bound.  ˈede-  éɺe-ma  eɺe-mɛnɔ  éd-ɛbi  éd-ɔ
 finish  ˈede-  eɺé-ma  eɺé-mɛnɔ  ed-ɛbi  ed-ɔ́
 look for  ˈkʰede-  kʰeɺe-ma  kʰeɺe-mɛnɔ  kʰed-ɛbi  kʰed-ɔ
 hang down  ˈhede-  heɺe-ma  heɺe-mɛnɔ  hed-ɛbi  hed-ɔ
 open  ˈkʰoda-  kʰoɺa-ma  kʰoɺa-mɛnɔ  kʰod-ɛbi  kʰod-ɔ
 wonder  ˈmodo-  moɺo-ma  moɺo-mɛnɔ  mod-ɛbi  mod-ɔ́
 split animal  ˈjodo-  joɺo-ma  joɺo-mɛnɔ  jod-ɛbi  jod-ɔ
 taunt/deceive  di-ˈkʰidi-  dikʰiɺi-ma  dikʰiɺi-mɛnɔ  dikʰid-ɛbi  dikʰid-ɔ
 follow  siˈgidi-  sigiɺi-ma  sigiɺi-mɛnɔ  sigid-ɛbi  sigid-ɔ
 scratch itch  kʰiˈgidi-  kʰigiɺi-ma  kʰigiɺi-mɛnɔ  kʰigid-ɛbi  kʰigid-ɔ
 push away  giˈgidi-  gigiɺi-ma  gigiɺi-mɛnɔ  gigid-ɛbi  gigid-ɔ
 jump/attack  gɛˈgidi-  gɛgiɺí-ma  gɛgiɺi-mɛnɔ  gɛgid-ɛbi  gɛgid-ɔ
 break  gaˈsede-  gaseɺe-ma  gaseɺe-mɛnɔ  gased-ɛbi  gased-ɔ
 be brave  diˈgoda-  digoɺa-ma  digoɺa-mɛnɔ  digod-ɛbi  digod-ɔ
 lay side by side foˈfodo-  fofoɺo-ma  fofoɺo-mɛnɔ  fofod-ɛbi  fofod-ɔ
 mourn  jɛ-ˈfodo-  jɛ-foɺo-ma  jɛ-foɺo-mɛnɔ  jɛ-fod-ɛbi  jɛ-fod-ɔ
 lie side by side fuˈfudu-  fufuɺu-ma  fufuɺu-mɛnɔ  fufud-ɛbi  fufud-ɔ
 pant  gaˈgudu-  gaguɺu-ma  gaguɺu-mɛnɔ  gagud-ɛbi  gagud-ɔ
 lead  waˈbudu-  wabuɺu-ma  wabuɺu-mɛnɔ  wabud-ɛbi  wabud-ɔ
 many yell  gana-ˈfodo- gana-foɺo-ma gana-foɺo-mɛnɔ gana-fod-ɛbi gana-fod-ɔ

     I  II  III  IV
   dV-  ɺV-ma  ɺV-mɛnɔ  d-ɛbi ~ ɺ-  d-ɔ ~ -ɺ-
 give name wi-ˈkʰidi- wi-kʰiɺi-ma wi-kʰiɺi-mɛnɔ wi-kʰid-ɛbi ~ -ɺ- wi-kʰid-ɔ ~ -ɺ-

Two examples unexpectedly have /ɺ/ rather than /d/ in the past tense and future imperative respectively:

     I  II  III  IV
   dV-  ɺV-ma ɺV-mɛnɔ d-ɛbi ɺ-ɔ
 fit/match  iˈɺidi-  iɺiɺi-ma  iɺiɺi-mɛnɔ  iɺid-ɛbi  iɺiɺ-ɔ
   dV-  ɺV-ma ɺV-mɛnɔ ɺ-ɛbi d-ɔ
 hold tight maˈbudu- mabuɺu-ma mabuɺu-mɛnɔ mabuɺ-ɛbi mabud-ɔ

… multisyllabic roots where unstressed stem-final /di- de-/ follow low mid and low vowels /ɛ a ɔ/ in the preceding syllable, or where /du-/ follows /ɔ/ … the lack of examples in which low mid front /ɛ/ or low central /a/ in followed by /u/ the final syllable is likely due to the fact that these would have already been alterered to low mid back rounded /ɔ/ … in stem III and stem IV forms, where [d] is ratained rather than leniting to [ɺ], the high vowel is metathesized to form a diphthong /ɛi ɔi ai ɔu/ in the preceding syllable prior to its loss. Because vowel sequences /ɛe ɔe ae/ do not occur, metathesized /e/ is raised to /i/

     I  II  III  IV
   ˈɛdi-  ɛɺi-ma  ɛɺi-mɛnɔ  ɛid-ɛbi  ɛid-ɔ
 fill up  ˈwɛdi-  wɛɺi-ma  —  [wɛid-ɛbi]  wɛid-ɔ
 stay in house  nɛˈnɛdi-  nɛnɛɺi-ma  nɛnɛɺi-mɛnɔ  nɛnɛid-ɛbi  nɛnɛid-ɔ
 peek/spy  hɛˈɺɛdi-  hɛɺɛɺi-ma  hɛɺɛɺi-mɛnɔ  hɛɺɛid-ɛbi  hɛɺɛid-ɔ
   ˈadi-  aɺi-ma  aɺi-mɛnɔ  aid-ɛbi  aid-ɔ
 dig ground  ˈdadi-  daɺí-ma  daɺi-mɛnɔ  daid-ɛbi  daid-ɔ
   ˈɔdi-  ɔɺi-ma  ɔɺi-mɛnɔ  ɔid-ɛbi  ɔid-ɔ
 place beams  ˈsɔdi  sɔɺi-ma  sɔɺi-mɛnɔ  sɔid-ɛbi  sɔid-ɔ
 kill and leave jasa-ˈwɔdi- jasa-wɔɺi-ma jasa-wɔɺi-mɛnɔ jasa-wɔid-ɛbi  jasa-wɔid-ɔ
   ˈade-  aɺe-ma  aɺe-mɛnɔ  aid-ɛbi  aid-ɔ
 split in two  baˈsade-  basaɺe-ma  basaɺe-mɛnɔ  basaid-ɛbi  basaid-ɔ
 run to bush  daˈɺade-  daɺaɺe-ma  daɺaɺe-mɛnɔ  daɺaid-ɛbi  daɺaid-ɔ
 dry  kʰaˈɺade-  kʰaɺaɺe-ma  kʰaɺaɺe-mɛnɔ  kʰaɺaid-ɛbi  kʰaɺaid-ɔ
 harden  haˈɺade-  haɺaɺe-ma  haɺaɺe-mɛnɔ  haɺaid-ɛbi  haɺaid-ɔ
   ˈɔde-  ɔɺe-ma  ɔɺe-mɛnɔ  ɔid-ɛbi  ɔid-ɔ
 make cradle  ˈɔde-  ɔɺe-ma  ɔɺe-mɛnɔ  ɔid-ɛbi  ɔid-ɔ
 call out  ˈhɔde-  hɔɺe-ma  hɔɺe-mɛnɔ  hɔid-ɛbi  hɔid-ɔ
 poison stream  ˈjɔde-  jɔɺe-ma  jɔɺe-mɛnɔ  jɔid-ɛbi  jɔid-ɔ
 put in open  diˈwɔde-  diwɔɺe-ma  diwɔɺe-mɛnɔ  diwɔid-ɛbi  diwɔid-ɔ
 play in mud  dɔˈbɔde-  dɔbɔɺe-ma  dɔbɔɺe-mɛnɔ  dɔbɔid-ɛbi  dɔbɔid-ɔ
 prevent  wakʰɔˈgɔde- wakʰɔgɔɺe-ma wakʰɔgɔɺe-m.  wakʰɔgɔid-ɛbi  wakʰɔgɔid-ɔ
   ˈɔde-  ɔɺe-ma  ɔɺe-mɛnɔ  ɔid-ɛbi ~ ɔud- ɔid-ɔ ~ ɔud-
 scoop fish  ˈdɔde-  dɔɺe-ma  dɔɺe-mɛnɔ  dɔid-ɛbi ~ dɔud-  dɔid-ɔ ~ ɔud-
 lie/hide  dɔˈɺɔde-  dɔɺɔɺe-ma  dɔɺɔɺe-mɛnɔ  dɔɺɔid-ɛbi  dɔɺɔid-ɔ ~ ɔud-
   ˈɔdu-  ɔɺu-ma  ɔɺu-mɛnɔ  ɔud-ɛbi  ɔud-ɔ
 hunt  ˈhɔdu-  hɔɺu-ma  hɔɺu-mɛnɔ  hɔud-ɛbi  hɔud-ɔ
 whittle  kʰɔˈgɔdu-  kʰɔgɔɺú-ma  kʰɔgɔɺu-mɛnɔ  kʰɔgɔud-ɛbi  kʰɔgɔud-ɔ

     I  II  III  IV
   ˈɛdi- ɛɺi-ma ɛɺi-mɛnɔ ɛid-ɛbi ~ ɛɺ- ɛid-ɔ ~ ɛɺ-
 etch/mark sɛˈsɛdi-  sɛsɛɺi-ma  sɛsɛɺi-mɛnɔ  sɛsɛid-ɛbi ~ -ɛɺ- sɛsɛid-ɔ ~ -ɛɺ-

     I  II  III  IV
   ˈCadi- Caɺi-ma Caɺi-mɛnɔ Cid-ɛbi Cid-ɔ
 stand out  ˈbadi-  baɺi-ma  baɺi-mɛnɔ  bid-ɛbi  bid-ɔ
 meet on path ˈgadi-  gaɺi-ma  gaɺi-mɛnɔ  gid-ɛbi  gid-ɔ́
 arrange meet dinadi-  —  dinaɺi-mɛnɔ  dinid-ɛbi  dinid-ɔ

     I  II  III  IV
   ˈCVdi- Caɺa-ma Caɺa-mɛnɔ Cid-ɛbi Cid-ɔ
 scrape off  ˈgadi-  gaɺá-ma  gaɺa-mɛnɔ  gid-ɛbi  gid-ɔ́
 show  ˈwadi-  waɺa-ma  waɺa-mɛnɔ  wid-ɛbi  wid-ɔ
   ˈCadu- Caɺa-ma Caɺa-mɛnɔ Cud-ɛbi Cud-ɔ
 pay b.price ˈfadu-  faɺa-ma  faɺa-mɛnɔ  fud-ɛbi  fud-ɔ

… stress … /ˈdV-/ …:

     I  II  III  IV
   ˈdV-  dV-ma  dV-mɛnɔ  d-ɛbi  d-ɔ
 suck juice  siˈdi-  sidi-ma  sidi-mɛnɔ  sid-ɛbi  sid-ɔ
 remove thorns  ɔˈde-  ɔde-ma  ɔde-mɛnɔ  ɔd-ɛbi  ɔd-ɔ
 split streamers tʰeˈde-  tʰede-ma  tʰede-mɛnɔ  tʰed-ɛbi  tʰed-ɔ
 continue  saˈde-  sade-ma  sade-mɛnɔ  sad-ɛbi  sad-ɔ
 catch fish  haˈde-  hade-ma  hade-mɛnɔ  had-ɛbi  had-ɔ
 line up  aˈda-  ada-ma  ada-mɛnɔ  ɛd-ɛbi  ɔd-ɔ
 layer  maˈda-  mada-ma  mada-mɛnɔ  mɛd-ɛbi  mɔd-ɔ
 clear path  fa(n)ˈda-  fada-ma  fada-mɛnɔ  fɛd-ɛbi  fɔd-ɔ
 pluck feather  doˈdo-  dodo-ma  dodo-mɛnɔ  dod-ɛbi  dod-ɔ
 cut into chunks hoˈdo-  hodo-ma  hodo-mɛnɔ  hod-ɛbi  hod-ɔ
 stand/prop  duˈdu-  dudu-ma  dudu-mɛnɔ  dud-ɛbi  dud-ɔ
 drip/leak  duˈdu-  dudu-ma  dudu-mɛnɔ  dud-ɛbi  dud-ɔ
 take off/down  suˈdu-  sudu-ma  sudu-mɛnɔ  sud-ɛbi  sud-ɔ
 join/follow  kʰuˈdu-  kʰudu-ma  kʰudu-mɛnɔ  kʰud-ɛbi  kʰud-ɔ
 weight cover  digɛˈdi-  digɛdi-ma  digɛdi-mɛnɔ  digɛd-ɛbi  digɛd-ɔ
 decorate  momaˈde-  momade-ma  momade-mɛnɔ  momad-ɛbi  momad-ɔ
 cut into pieces tʰɛbɛˈde-  tʰɛbɛde-ma  tʰɛbɛde-mɛnɔ  tʰɛbɛd-ɛbi  tʰɛbɛd-ɔ
 wash  tʰɔgɔˈde-  tʰɔgɔde-ma  tʰɔgɔde-mɛnɔ  tʰɔgɔd-ɛbi  tʰɔgɔd-ɔ
 several carry  dijaˈde-  dijade-ma  dijade-mɛnɔ  dihad-ɛbi  dijad-ɔ
 scratch  dɔbeˈde-  dɔbede-ma  dɔbede-mɛnɔ  dɔbed-ɛbi  dɔbed-ɔ
 flame up  sasaˈde-  sasade-ma  sasade-mɛnɔ  sasad-ɛbi  sasad-ɔ
 cut into pieces gegeˈde-  gegede-ma  gegede-mɛnɔ  geged-ɛbi  geged-ɔ
 homo. play  gageˈde-  gágede-ma  gagede-mɛnɔ  gaged-ɛbi  gaged-ɔ
 put in hair  gageˈde-  gagedé-ma  gagede-mɛnɔ  gaged-ɛbi  gaged-ɔ́
 chew bones  gɔbɔˈde-  gɔbɔde-ma  gɔbɔde-mɛnɔ  gɔbɔd-ɛbi  gɔbɔd-ɔ
 clear/settle  gɔgɔˈde-  gɔgɔde-ma  gɔgɔde-mɛnɔ  gɔgɔd-ɛbi  gɔgɔd-ɔ
 enter hole  usuˈdɛ-  usudɛ-ma  usudɛ-mɛnɔ  usud-ɛbi  usud-ɔ
 begin  mɔmɔˈda-  mɔmɔda-ma  mɔmɔda-mɛnɔ  mɔmɔd-ɛbi  mɔmɔd-ɔ
 shoot birds  agoˈdo-  agodo-ma  agodo-mɛnɔ  agod-ɛbi  agod-ɔ
 tie on pole  boboˈdo-  bobodo-ma  bobodo-mɛnɔ  bobod-ɛbi  bobod-ɔ
 cut meat  tʰaboˈdo-  tʰabodo-ma  tʰabodo-mɛnɔ  tʰabod-ɛbi  tʰabod-ɔ
 dump/fall  kʰoɺoˈdo-  kʰoɺodo-ma  kʰoɺodo-mɛnɔ  kʰoɺod-ɛbi  kʰoɺodo-ɔ
 close off  uɺuˈdu-  uɺudu-ma  uɺudu-mɛnɔ  uɺud-ɛbi  uɺud-ɔ
 pierce side  jaduˈdu-  jadudu-ma  jadudu-mɛnɔ  jadud-ɛbi  jadud-ɔ
 tickle  agobaˈde-  agobade-ma  agobade-mɛnɔ  agobad-ɛbi  agobad-ɔ
 insult  digagaˈde- digagade-ma digagade-mɛnɔ digagad-ɛbi digagad-ɔ

One example is ambiguous between stressed root-final /ˈdV-/ and unstressed /dV-/ (above,) as the only difference between many of these forms, excepting those with unstrssed /dV-/ that undergo vowel metathesis, is the retention of /d/ vs. lenition to non-stop /ɺ/ in stem I and stem II forms:

     I  II  III  IV
   dV- ɺV-ma ɺV-mɛnɔ ~ -dV-  d-ɛbi d-ɔ
 sting sesede- seseɺe-ma seseɺe-mɛnɔ ~
 sesede-mɛnɔ
 sesed-ɛbi sesed-ɔ

     I  II  III  IV
   ˈdV-  dV-ma ~ ɺ- dV-mɛnɔ ~ ɺ- d-ɛbi ~ ɺ- d-ɔ ~ -ɺ-
 crumble (tr.) doɺoˈdo- ~ -ɺ- doɺodo-ma  doɺodo-mɛnɔ  doɺod-ɛbi  doɺod-ɔ

…:

     I  II  III  IV
   ˈdV- dV-ma dV-mɛnɔ dV-ɺɛbi dV-ø
 throw sanˈdi-  sandi-ma  sandi-mɛnɔ  sandi-ɺɛbi  sandi-ø

     I  II  III  IV
   gV-  gV-ma gV-mɛnɔ g-ɛbi g-ɔ
 squeeze sago  ˈdigi-  digi-ma  digi-mɛnɔ  dig-ɛbi  dig-ɔ
 do it  ˈege-  ege-ma  ege-mɛnɔ  eg-ɛbi  eg-ɔ
 laugh  ˈɔge-  ɔge-ma  ɔge-mɛnɔ  ɔg-ɛbi  ɔg-ɔ
 argue  ˈkʰege-  kʰege-ma  kʰege-mɛnɔ  kʰeg-ɛbi  kʰeg-ɔ
 spin  ˈhege-  hege-ma  hege-mɛnɔ  heg-ɛbi  heg-ɔ
 take off hook ˈtʰaga-  tʰaga-ma  tʰaga-mɛnɔ  —  tʰɔg-ɔ
 distribute  ˈsaga-  ságà-ma  saga-mɛnɔ  sɛg-ɛbi  sɔg-ɔ
 attach  ˈfagu-  fagu-ma  fagu-mɛnɔ  fug-ɛbi  fug-ɔ
 close eyes  ˈsugu-  sugu-ma  sugu-mɛnɔ  sug-ɛbi  sug-ɔ
 pound  ˈkʰugu-  kʰugu-ma  kʰugu-mɛnɔ  kʰug-ɛbi  kʰug-ɔ
 be willing  iˈɺigi-  iɺigi-ma  iɺigi-mɛnɔ  iɺig-ɛbi  iɺig-ɔ́
 wreck/spoil  moˈgagi-  —  mogagi-mɛnɔ —  mogag-ɔ
 soften leaves sɔˈsigi-  sɔsigi-ma sɔsigi-mɛnɔ sɔsig-ɛbi sɔsig-ɔ
 soften leaves sɔˈhege-  sɔhege-ma sɔhege-mɛnɔ sɔheg-ɛbi sɔheg-ɔ
 tie dog's leg dɔˈɺog[ɔ/o]- dɔɺogo-ma dɔɺogɔ-mɛnɔ dɔɺog-ɛbi dɔɺog-ɔ
 do like that  ˈaungu-  —  aungu-mɛnɔ  ɛng-ɛbi  ɔng-ɔ

… stress …:

     I  II  III  IV
   ˈgV- gV-ma gV-mɛnɔ gV-ɺɛbi g-ɔ
 untie  faˈge-  fage-ma  fage-mɛnɔ  fage-ɺɛbi  fɔg-ɔ
 stand in line tʰɛˈgɛ-  tʰɛgɛ-ma  tʰɛgɛ-mɛnɔ  tʰɛgɛ-ɺɛbi  tʰɛgɛ-ø
 lift/raise  tʰɛˈgɛ-  tʰɛgɛ-ma  tʰɛgɛ-mɛnɔ  tʰɛgɛ-ɺɛbi  tʰɛgɛ-ø
 wake/get up  dɛˈgɛ-  dɛgɛ-ma  dɛgɛ-mɛnɔ  dɛgɛ-ɺɛbi  dɛgɛ-ø
 move away  tʰɔˈgɔ-  tʰɔgɔ-ma  tʰɔgɔ-mɛnɔ  tʰɔgɔ-ɺɛbi  tʰɔg-ɔ

One example shows an irregular reduction in the stem III form, possibly because, unlike the preceding examples, the base is trusyllabic. This is distinct from the reflex of unstressed stem final /gV-/ which would be /duɺug-ɛbi/ (above):

     I  II  III  IV
   ˈgV- gV-ma gV-mɛnɔ ø-dɛbi g-ɔ
 lift over duɺuˈgu- duɺugu-ma duɺugu-mɛnɔ duɺu-dɛbi  duɺugu-ø

… …

     I  II  III  IV
   fV- fV-ma fV-mɛnɔ f-ɛbi f-ɔ
 scatter about ˈfifi-  fifi-ma  fifi-mɛnɔ  fif-ɛbi  fif-ɔ
 lay out mat  ˈfefe-  fefe-ma  fefe-mɛnɔ  fef-ɛbi  fef-ɔ
 look after  ˈfafo-  fafo-ma  fafo-mɛnɔ  fof-ɛbi  fɔf-ɔ
 both hands  ˈfafu-  fafu-ma  fafu-mɛnɔ  —  fuf-ɔ

… …

     I  II  III  IV
   ˈfV- fV-ma fV-mɛnɔ fV-ɺɛbi f-ɔ
 plug tube daˈfe-  dafe-ma  dafe-mɛnɔ  dafe-ɺɛbi  dɔf-ɔ

     I  II  III  IV
   sV-  sV-ma  sV-mɛnɔ  s-ɛbi  s-ɔ
 make circle  ˈsisi-  sisi-ma  sisi-mɛnɔ  sis-ɛbi  sis-ɔ
 chase  ˈɔse-  ɔsé-ma  ɔse-mɛnɔ  ɔs-ɛbi  ɔs-ɔ
 swim  ˈdase-  dase-ma  dase-mɛnɔ  das-ɛbi  das-ɔ
 lead to kill  ˈsasa-  sasa-ma  sasa-mɛnɔ  sɛs-ɛbi  sɔs-ɔ
 peel  ˈgaso-  gaso-ma  gaso-bɛnɔ  gos-ɛbi  gos-ɔ
 cough  ˈusu-  usu-ma  usu-mɛnɔ  us-ɛbi  us-ɔ
 crumble up  ˈhɔsu-  hɔsu-ma  hɔsu-mɛnɔ  hɔs-ɛbi  hɔs-ɔ
 take from bag siˈgisi-  —  —  —  sigis-ɔ
 step over  ɔˈgɔse-  ɔgɔse-ma  ɔgɔse-mɛnɔ  ɔgɔs-ɛbi  ɔgɔs-ɔ
 step over  moˈgase-  mogase-ma  mogase-mɛnɔ  mogas-ɛbi  mogas-ɔ
 splinter  naˈgase-  nagase-ma  nagase-mɛnɔ  nagas-ɛbi  nagas-ɔ
 take out/away doˈgase-  dogase-ma  dogase-mɛnɔ  dogas-ɛbi  dogas-ɔ
 take from bag seˈgese-  segese-ma  segese-mɛnɔ  seges-ɛbi  seges-ɔ
 take off hook tʰaˈgase-  tʰagase-ma tʰagase-mɛnɔ tʰagas-ɛbi tʰagas-ɔ
 lean over  waˈsɛse-  wasɛse-ma  wasɛse-mɛnɔ  wasɛs-ɛbi  wasɛs-ɔ
 many move  tʰɔˈgɔ-su- tʰɔgɔsu-ma tʰɔgɔsu-mɛnɔ tʰɔgɔs-ɛbi tʰɔgɔs-ɔ

One example unexpectedly takes suffix /-ɛ/ in the past:

     I  II  III  IV
   sV- sV-ma sV-mɛnɔ s-ɛbi s-ɛ
 suck pits ˈmasa-  masa-ma  masa-mɛnɔ  mɛs-ɛbi  mɛs-ɛ

… stress … All known examples of this pattern have final high vowel /i u/ or low mid front /ɛ/ …:

     I  II  III  IV
   ˈsi- si-ma si-mɛnɔ si-ɺɛbi si-ø
 sit  aˈsi-  —  —  —  asi-ø
 get up  daˈsi-  dasi-ma  dasi-mɛnɔ  dasi-ɺɛbi  dasi-ø
   ˈsu- su-ma su-mɛnɔ su-ɺɛbi su-ø
 take  aˈsu-  asú-ma  asu-mɛ́nɔ  asu-ɺɛ́bi  asú-ø
 weave bag  aˈsu-  ásu-ma  —  —  asú-ø
 jump down  daˈsu-  dasu-ma  —  —  dasu-ø
 draw water waˈsu-  wasu-ma  —  —  wasu-ø
   ˈsɛ- sɛ-ma sɛ-mɛnɔ sɛ-ɺɛbi sɛ-ø
 put in bag diˈsɛ-  disɛ-ma  disɛ-mɛnɔ  disɛ-ɺɛbi  disɛ-ø

     I  II  III  IV
   ˈsV₂- sV-ma sV-mɛnɔ sV-ɺɛbi s-ɔ
 tie up aˈso-  aso-ma  aso-mɛnɔ  aso-ɺɛbi  os-ɔ

The most common pattern is that of multisyllabic roots with final segment /ɺV-/ and penultimate stress. In the future imperative underlying /ɺV-ɺɛbi/ is collapsed to /ɺ-ɛbi/ while in the past tense the final vowel is dropped and replaced by /-ɔ/:

     I  II  III  IV
   ɺV-  ɺV-ma  ɺV-mɛnɔ  ɺ-ɛbi  ɺ-ɔ
 carry  ˈgɛɺi-  gɛɺi-ma  gɛɺi-mɛnɔ  gɛɺ-ɛbi  gɛɺ-ɔ
 cry/weep  ˈjɛɺi-  jɛɺi-ma  jɛɺi-mɛnɔ  jɛɺ-ɛbi  jɛɺ-ɔ́
 turn over  ˈbaɺe-  baɺe-ma  baɺe-mɛnɔ  baɺ-ɛbi  baɺ-ɔ
 do like this  ˈɛɺɛ-  ɛɺɛ-ma  ɛɺɛ-mɛnɔ  ɛɺ-ɛbi  ɛɺ-ɔ
 thump/fight  ˈboɺɛ-  boɺɛ-ma  boɺɛ-mɛnɔ  boɺ-ɛbi  boɺ-ɔ
 be quiet  ˈheɺɛ-  heɺɛ-ma  heɺɛ-mɛnɔ  heɺ-ɛbi  heɺ-ɔ
 split aside  ˈtʰaɺa-  tʰaɺa-ma  tʰaɺa-mɛnɔ  tʰɛɺ-ɛbi  tʰɔɺ-ɔ
 build fence  ˈtʰoɺo-  tʰoɺo-ma  tʰoɺo-mɛnɔ  tʰoɺ-ɛbi  tʰoɺ-ɔ́
 sharpen  ˈdoɺo-  doɺo-ma  doɺo-mɛnɔ  doɺ-ɛbi  doɺ-ɔ
 breathe  ˈhoɺo-  hóɺo-ma  hoɺo-mɛnɔ  hoɺ-ɛbi  hóɺ-ɔ
 whistle  ˈhoɺo-  hoɺo-ma  hoɺo-mɛnɔ  hoɺ-ɛbi  hoɺ-ɔ
 chase away  ˈɔɺu-  ɔɺu-ma  ɔɺu-mɛnɔ  ɔɺ-ɛbi  ɔɺ-ɔ
 sing  ˈmɔɺu-  mɔɺu-ma  mɔɺu-mɛnɔ  mɔɺ-ɛbi  mɔɺ-ɔ
 cover self  ˈgɔɺu-  gɔɺu-ma  gɔɺu-mɛnɔ  gɔɺ-ɛbi  gɔɺ-ɔ
 make level  iˈmiɺi-  imiɺi-ma  imiɺi-mɛnɔ  imiɺ-ɛbi  imiɺ-ɔ
 plant garden  iˈɺiɺi-  iɺiɺí-ma  iɺiɺi-mɛnɔ  iɺiɺ-ɛbi  iɺiɺ-ɔ́
 slide/smooth  maˈɺiɺi-  maɺiɺí-ma  maɺiɺi-mɛnɔ  maɺiɺ-ɛbi  maɺiɺ-ɔ́
 level ground  hiˈsiɺi-  hisiɺi-ma  hisiɺi-mɛnɔ  hisiɺ-ɛbi  hisiɺ-ɔ
 wait for  jaˈsiɺi-  jasiɺi-ma  jasiɺi-mɛnɔ  jasiɺ-ɛbi  jasiɺ-ɔ
 spread stones tʰeˈgeɺ[i/ɛ]- tʰegeɺɛ-ma  tʰegeɺi-mɛnɔ  tʰegeɺ-ɛbi  tʰegeɺ-ɔ
 expound  eˈbeɺe-  ebeɺe-ma  ebeɺe-mɛnɔ  ebeɺ-ɛbi  ebeɺ-ɔ
 joke  eˈɺeɺe-  eɺeɺe-ma  eɺeɺe-mɛnɔ  eleɺ-ɛbi  eɺeɺ-ɔ
 stay awhile  aˈmeɺe-  —  —  amaɺ-ɛbi  amaɺ-ɔ
 count  aˈgeɺe-  ageɺe-ma  ageɺe-mɛnɔ  ageɺ-ɛbi  ageɺ-ɔ
 take on taboo aˈɺeɺe-  aɺeɺe-ma  aɺeɺɛ-mɛnɔ  aɺeɺ-ɛbi  aɺeɺ-ɔ
 work hard  moˈmaɺe-  momaɺe-ma  momaɺe-mɛnɔ  momaɺ-ɛbi  momaɺ-ɔ
 covet/desire  meˈseɺe-  meseɺe-ma  meseɺe-mɛnɔ  meseɺ-ɛbi  meseɺ-ɔ
 go around  beˈgeɺe-  begeɺe-ma  begeɺe-mɛnɔ  begeɺ-ɛbi  begeɺ-ɔ
 peek/spy  bɔˈbɔɺe-  bɔbɔɺe-ma  bɔbɔɺe-mɛnɔ  bɔbɔɺ-ɛbi  bɔbɔɺ-ɔ
 get well/heal faˈɺeɺe-  faɺeɺe-ma  faɺeɺɛ-mɛnɔ  faɺeɺ-ɛbi  faɺeɺ-ɔ
 put in trough fɔˈfɔɺe-  fɔfɔɺe-ma  fɔfɔɺe-mɛnɔ  fɔfɔɺ-ɛbi  fɔfɔɺ-ɔ
 speak out  foˈgɛɺe-  fogɛɺe-ma  fogɛɺe-mɛnɔ  fogɛɺ-ɛbi  fogɛɺ-ɔ
 discuss  neˈneɺe-  neneɺe-ma  neneɺe-mɛnɔ  neneɺ-ɛbi  neneɺ-ɔ
 straighten  di-ˈgaɺe-  di-gaɺe-ma  di-gaɺe-mɛnɔ  di-gaɺ-ɛbi  di-gaɺ-ɔ́
 overfill  deˈdeɺe-  dedeɺe-ma  dedeɺe-mɛnɔ  dedeɺ-ɛbi  dedeɺ-ɔ
 wrap around  daˈmaɺe-  damaɺe-ma  damaɺe-mɛnɔ  damaɺ-ɛbi  damaɺ-ɔ́
 get dressed  sɛˈgɛɺe-  sɛgɛɺe-ma  sɛgɛɺe-mɛnɔ  sɛgɛɺ-ɛbi  sɛgɛɺ-ɔ
 be happy  saˈgaɺe-  sagaɺe-ma  sagaɺe-mɛnɔ  sagaɺ-ɛbi  sagaɺ-ɔ
 make handle  kʰiˈgɛɺe-  kʰigɛɺe-ma  kʰigɛɺe-mɛnɔ  kʰigɛɺ-ɛbi  kʰigɛɺ-ɔ
 loosen  heˈgeɺe-  hegeɺe-ma  hegeɺe-mɛnɔ  hegeɺ-ɛbi  hegeɺ-ɔ
 put on chest  wɛiˈd[ɛ/ɔ]ɺe- wɛidɔɺe-ma  wɛidɛɺe-mɛnɔ  wɛidɛɺ-ɛbi  wɛidɛɺ-ɔ
 mix together  wɔˈgeɺe-  wɔgeɺe-ma  wɔgeɺe-mɛnɔ  wɔgeɺ-ɛbi  wɔgeɺ-ɔ
 splashing  fun-ˈgaɺɛ-  fun-gaɺɛ-ma  fun-gaɺɛ-mɛnɔ  fun-gaɺ-ɛbi  fun-gaɺ-ɔ
 shorten  aˈmboɺo-  amboɺo-ma  amboɺo-mɛnɔ  amboɺ-ɛbi  amboɺ-ɔ
 cool  aˈgoɺo-  agoɺo-ma  agoɺo-mɛnɔ  agoɺ-ɛbi  agoɺ-ɔ́
 sharpen  oˈboɺo-  oboɺo-ma  oboɺo-mɛnɔ  oboɺ-ɛbi  oboɺ-ɔ
 fish w/hands  oˈgoɺo-  ogoɺo-ma  ogoɺo-mɛnɔ  ogoɺ-ɛbi  ogoɺ-ɔ
 be busy  maˈgoɺo-  magoɺo-ma  magoɺo-mɛnɔ  magoɺ-ɛbi  magoɺ-ɔ
 tell story  maˈɺoɺo-  maɺoɺo-ma  maɺoɺo-mɛnɔ  maɺoɺ-ɛbi  maɺoɺ-ɔ́
 pet/stroke  diˈgoɺo-  digoɺo-ma  digoɺo-mɛnɔ  digoɺ-ɛbi  digoɺ-ɔ
 roll up & tie kʰamˈboɺo-  kʰamboɺo-ma  kʰamboɺo-mɛnɔ  kʰamboɺ-ɛbi  kʰamboɺ-ɔ
 be angry  kʰaˈnoɺo-  kʰanoɺo-ma  kʰanoɺo-mɛnɔ  kʰanoɺ-ɛbi  kʰanoɺ-ɔ
 tie pig's leg gaˈɺoɺo-  gaɺoɺo-ma  gaɺoɺo-mɛnɔ  gaɺoɺ-ɛbi  gaɺoɺ-ɔ
 scratch sore  goˈgoɺo-  gogoɺo-ma  gogoɺo-mɛnɔ  gogoɺ-ɛbi  gogoɺ-ɔ
 pacify  hɛˈnoɺo-  hɛnoɺo-ma  hɛnoɺo-mɛnɔ  hɛnoɺ-ɛbi  hɛnoɺ-ɔ
 sing out  jaˈgoɺo-  jagoɺo-ma  jagoɺo-mɛnɔ  jagoɺ-ɛbi  jagoɺ-ɔ
 disrupt  jɔˈgoɺo-  jɔgoɺo-ma  jɔgoɺo-mɛnɔ  jɔgoɺ-ɛbi  jɔgoɺ-ɔ
 butcher many  juˈfoɺo-  jufoɺo-ma  jufoɺo-mɛnɔ  jufoɺ-ɛbi  jufoɺ-ɔ
 think/want  aˈsuɺu-  asuɺu-ma  asuɺu-mɛnɔ  asuɺ-ɛbi  asuɺ-ɔ
 make smoulder mu-ˈsuɺu-  musuɺu-ma  musuɺu-mɛnɔ  musuɺ-ɛbi  musuɺ-ɔ
 be greedy  kʰaˈnuɺu-  kʰanuɺu-ma  kʰanuɺu-mɛnɔ  kʰanuɺ-ɛbi  kʰanuɺ-ɔ
 dump/spill  kʰɔˈgɔɺu-  kʰɔgɔɺu-ma  kʰɔgɔɺu-mɛnɔ  kʰɔgɔɺ-ɛbi  kʰɔgɔɺ-ɔ
 whoop/howl  gɔˈmuɺu-  gɔmuɺu-ma  gɔmuɺu-mɛnɔ  gɔmuɺ-ɛbi  gɔmuɺ-ɔ
 find reason  mɔwaˈɺiɺi-  mɔwaɺiɺi-ma  mɔwaɺiɺi-mɛnɔ  mɔwaɺiɺ-ɛbi  mɔwaɺiɺ-ɔ
 sit by fire  deseˈgaɺe-  desegaɺe-ma  desegaɺe-mɛnɔ  desegaɺ-ɛbi  desegaɺ-ɔ
 push out  ɔdɔˈboɺo-  ɔdɔboɺo-ma  ɔdɔboɺo-mɛnɔ  ɔdɔboɺ-ɛbi  ɔdɔboɺ-ɔ
 be dizzy  mumaˈɺoɺo-  mumaɺoɺo-ma  mumaɺoɺo-m.  mumaɺoɺ-ɛbi  mumaɺoɺ-ɔ
 approach  beseˈgoɺo-  besegoɺo-ma  besegoɺo-m.  besegoɺ-ɛbi  besegoɺ-ɔ
 roll across  fɔfɔˈgoɺo-  fɔfɔgoɺo-ma  fɔfɔgoɺo-mɛnɔ  fɔfɔgoɺ-ɛbi  fɔfɔgoɺ-ɔ
 bunch up  digaˈboɺo-  digaboɺo-ma  digaboɺo-mɛnɔ  digaboɺ-ɛbi  digaboɺ-ɔ
 chase away  ɔɺu-kʰɔˈgɔɺe- ɔɺu-kʰɔgɔɺe-ma ɔɺu-kʰɔgɔɺe-m. ɔɺu-kʰɔgɔɺ-ɛbi ɔɺu-kʰɔgɔɺ-ɔ
 half-cook  sɔhabaˈsoɺo-  sɔhabasoɺo-ma  sɔhabasoɺo-m.  sɔhabasoɺ-ɛbi  sɔhabasoɺ-ɔ

For one of these roots, an alternative past form is given with /u/ retained /-ɔ/ dropped in the past; however the loss of final /u/ in the stem III form shows penultimate stress to be original:

     I  II  III  IV
   ɺu-  ɺu-ma  ɺu-mɛnɔ  ɺ-ɛbi  ɺ-ɔ ~ ɺu-ø
 answer call iɺiˈguɺu- iɺiguɺu-ma iɺiguɺu-mɛnɔ iɺiguɺ-ɛbi iɺiguɺ-ɔ ~ ɺu–ø

… final stress … As with stressed root-final /ˈsV-/ (above,) all known examples of this pattern have final high vowel /i u/ or low mid front /ɛ/, suggesting that only these vowels can displace that of the past /-ɔ/. Roots with stressed final segment /ɺɛ-/ are distinguished from those with auxilliary /-dɛ-/ [-ɺɛ-] (below) in the stem III form, which remains as /ɺɛ-ɺɛbi/ rather than collapsing to [ɺ-ɛbi]:

     I  II  III  IV
   ˈɺi-  ɺi-ma  ɺi-mɛnɔ  ɺi-ɺɛbi  ɺi-ø
 lie down  aˈɺi-  aɺi-ma  aɺi-mɛnɔ  aɺi-ɺɛbi  aɺí-ø
 blow out torch daˈɺi-  dáɺi-ma  daɺi-mɛnɔ  daɺi-ɺɛbi  —
 split trunk  gaˈɺi-  gaɺi-ma  gaɺi-mɛnɔ  gaɺi-ɺɛbi  gaɺi-ø
 dig up  waˈɺi-  waɺi-ma  waɺi-mɛnɔ  waɺi-ɺɛbi  waɺi-ø
 hide (tr.)  banaˈɺi-  banaɺi-ma  banaɺi-mɛnɔ  banaɺi-ɺɛbi  banaɺi-ø
 laugh at  di-gaˈɺi-  di-gaɺi-ma  di-gaɺi-mɛnɔ di-gaɺi-ɺɛbi  di-gaɺi-ø
   ˈɺu-  ɺu-ma  ɺu-mɛnɔ  ɺu-ɺɛbi  ɺu-ø
 scrape out  aˈɺu-  aɺu-ma  aɺu-mɛnɔ  aɺu-ɺɛbi  aɺú-ø
 tie together  aˈɺu-  aɺu-ma  aɺu-mɛnɔ  aɺu-ɺɛbi  aɺú-ø
 wash/bathe  muˈɺu-  muɺu-ma  muɺu-mɛnɔ  muɺu-ɺɛbi  muɺú-ø
 string beads  saˈɺu-  saɺu-ma  saɺu-mɛnɔ  saɺu-ɺɛbi  saɺu-ø
 break off  buˈɺu-  búɺu-ma  buɺu-mɛnɔ  buɺu-ɺɛbi  buɺu-ø
 bite  mɛ-buˈɺu-  mɛ-buɺu-ma  mɛ-buɺu-mɛnɔ mɛ-buɺu-ɺɛbi  mɛ-buɺu-ø
 lengthen  susuˈɺu-  susuɺu-ma  susuɺu-mɛnɔ  susuɺu-ɺɛbi  susuɺu-ø
 pinch  gese-buˈɺu- gese-buɺu-ma g.-buɺu-mɛnɔ gese-buɺu-ɺɛbi gese-buɺu-ø
   ˈɺɛ-  ɺɛ-ma  ɺɛ-mɛnɔ  ɺɛ-ɺɛbi  ɺɛ-ø
 put into  sɛˈɺɛ-  sɛɺɛ́-ma  sɛɺɛ-mɛnɔ  sɛɺɛ-ɺɛbi  sɛɺɛ-ø
 step  wɛˈɺɛ-  wɛɺɛ-ma  wɛɺɛ-mɛnɔ  wɛɺɛ-ɺɛbi  wɛɺɛ́-ø

For one of these roots, an alternative past form is given with /-ɔ/; however the rentention of final /i/ in the stem III form shows final stress to be original:

     I  II  III  IV
   ˈɺi- ɺi-ma ɺi-mɛnɔ ɺi-ɺɛbi ɺi-ø ~ ɺ-ɔ
 several carry gɛgiˈɺi- gɛgiɺi-ma gɛgiɺi-mɛnɔ gɛgiɺi-ɺɛbi gɛgiɺi-ø ~ ɺ-ɔ

If the vowel of a stem-final stressed syllable /ˈɺV-/ is low central /a/, it is dropped in the past while past /-ɔ/ is retained. These are still distinguishable from unstressed stem-final /ɺa-/ (above) because in the future imperative underlying /ɺa-ɺɛbi/ is not collapsed to [ɺ-ɛbi]:

     I  II  III  IV
   ˈɺa- ɺa-ma ɺa-mɛnɔ ɺa-ɺɛbi ɺ-ɔ
 make wall  gaˈɺa-  gaɺa-ma  gaɺa-mɛnɔ  gaɺa-ɺɛbi  gɔɺ-ɔ
 squeeze out haˈɺa-  haɺa-ma  haɺa-mɛnɔ  haɺa-ɺɛbi  hɔɺ-ɔ

… multisyllabic roots with final consonants … We assume stress, which is not contrastive in these paradigms, to fall upon the final syllable of the root, because final consonants in nominals invariably result from the loss of destressed final vowels and because Grosh and Grosh (2005b: 69) state that words with final consonants tend to take final stress.

…. final apical nasal /n/ …:

     I  II  III  IV
   ˈin-  i-ma  i-mɛnɔ  ij-ɛbi  ij-ɔ
 find source  miˈdin-  midi-ma  midi-mɛnɔ  midij-ɛbi  midij-ɔ
 withhold  kʰiˈdin-  kʰidi-ma  kʰidi-mɛnɔ  kʰidij-ɛbi  kʰidij-ɔ
 yell  giˈɺin-  giɺima  giɺimɛnɔ  giɺij-ɛbi  giɺij-ɔ
 many come  jɛˈsin-  jɛsi-ma  jɛsi-mɛnɔ  jɛsij-ɛbi  jɛsij-ɔ
 crush/step on  baˈsin-  basi-ma  basii-mɛnɔ  basij-ɛbi  basij-ɔ
 many come  waˈtʰin-  watʰi-ma  watʰi-mɛnɔ  watʰij-ɛbi  watʰij-ɔ
 nag/whine  suˈsin-  susi-ma  susi-mɛnɔ  susij-ɛbi  susij-ɔ
 find source  disaˈgin-  disagi-ma  disagi-mɛnɔ  disagij-ɛbi  disagij-ɔ
   ˈen-  e-ma  e-mɛnɔ  ej-ɛbi  ej-ɔ
 shake hands  eˈben-  ebe-ma  ebe-mɛnɔ  ebej-ɛbi  ebej-ɔ
 antagonize  enˈtʰen-  entʰe-ma  entʰe-mɛnɔ  entʰej-ɛbi  entʰej-ɔ
 look around  beˈben-  bebe-ma  bebe-mɛnɔ  bebej-ɛbi  bebej-ɔ
 beat sago pith beˈsen-  bese-ma  bese-mɛnɔ  bese-ɛbi  besej-ɔ
 bribe  senˈden-  sende-ma  sende-mɛnɔ  sendej-ɛbi  sendej-ɔ
 pick off  kʰeˈben-  kʰebe-ma  kʰebe-mɛnɔ  kʰebej-ɛbi  kʰebej-ɔ
 use up  kʰeˈden-  kʰede-ma  —  kʰedej-ɛbi  —
 cut through  geˈden-  gede-ma  gede-mɛnɔ  gedej-ɛbi  gedej-ɔ
 shorten  genˈden-  gende-ma  gende-mɛnɔ  gendej-ɛbi  gendej-ɔ
 make sorry  geˈsen-  gese-ma  gese-mɛnɔ  gesej-ɛbi  gesej-ɔ
 measure  dɛˈfen-  dɛfe-ma  dɛfe-mɛnɔ  dɛfej-ɛbi  dɛfej-ɔ
 fill space  aɺanˈden-  aɺande-ma  aɺande-mɛnɔ  aɺandej-ɛbi  aɺandej-ɔ
 cut pig meat  gɔgɔˈben-  gɔgɔbe-ma  gɔgɔbe-mɛnɔ  gɔgɔbej-ɛbi  gɔgɔbej-ɔ
   ˈɛn-  ɛ-ma  ɛ-mɛnɔ  ɛj-ɛbi  ɛj-ɔ
 vomit  iˈsɛn-  isɛ-ma  isɛ-mɛnɔ  isɛj-ɛbi  isɛj-ɔ
 wake (ditr.)  di-kʰiˈdɛn- ~ -g- di-kʰidɛ-ma di-kʰidɛ-mɛnɔ di-kʰidɛj-ɛbi di-kʰidɛj-ɔ
   ˈan-  a-ma  a-mɛnɔ  aj-ɛbi  aj-ɔ
 stand & stay  kʰaˈgan-  kʰaga-ma  kʰaga-mɛnɔ  kʰagaj-ɛbi  kʰagaj-ɔ
 gnaw on  kʰoˈgan-  kʰoga-ma  kʰoga-mɛnɔ  kʰogaj-ɛbi  kʰogaj-ɔ
 grapple  gaˈsan-  gasa-ma  gasa-mɛnɔ  gasaj-ɛbi  gasaj-ɔ
 make good  di-naˈfan-  di-nafa-ma  di-nafa-mɛnɔ  di-nafaj-ɛbi  di-nafaj-ɔ
 shake up  duguˈdan-  duguda-ma  duguda-mɛnɔ  dugudaj-ɛbi  dugudaj-ɔ
 lie quietly  sigaˈgan-  sigaga-ma  sigaga-mɛnɔ  sigagaj-ɛbi  sigagaj-ɔ

…:

     I  II  III  IV
   ˈen-  e-ma  e-mɛnɔ  en-jɛbi  ej-ɔ
 bend stick guɺuˈgen- guɺuge-ma guɺuge-mɛnɔ guɺugenj-ɛbi guɺugej-ɔ

…:

     I  II  III  IV
   ˈon-  o-ma  o-mɛnɔ  ow-ɛbi  ow-ɔ
 cross  tʰɛˈnon-  tʰɛno-ma  tʰɛno-mɛnɔ  tʰɛnow-ɛbi  tʰɛnow-ɔ
 come down tʰi-bɔˈɺon- tʰi-bɔɺo-ma tʰi-bɔɺo-mɛnɔ tʰi-bɔɺow-ɛbi tʰi-bɔɺow-ɔ
 move away heɺeˈfon-  heɺefo-ma  heɺefo-mɛnɔ  heɺefow-ɛbi  heɺefow-ɔ
   ˈun-  u-ma  u-mɛnɔ  uw-ɛbi  uw-ɔ
 approach  kʰuduˈɺun-  kʰuduɺu-ma  kʰuduɺu-mɛnɔ  kʰuduɺuw-ɛbi  kʰuduɺuw-ɔ

     I  II  III  IV
   ˈin-  i-ma  ij-ɛnɔ  ij-ɛbi  ij-ɔ
 cut through fɛtʰiniˈnin- fɛtʰinini-ma fɛtʰininij-ɛnɔ fɛtʰininij-ɛbi fɛtʰininij-ɔ

Roots with final apical voiced stop /d-/, like those with final nasal /-n/ above, lose final /d/ in stem I and stem II forms, but it surfaces in stem III and stem IV:

     I  II  III  IV
   d-  ø-ma  ø-mɛnɔ  d-ɛbi  d-ɔ
 fear  tʰaˈgid-  tʰagi-ma  tʰagi-mɛnɔ  tʰagid-ɛbi  tʰagid-ɔ
 hang many  de-heˈsed-  de-hese-ma  de-hese-mɛnɔ  de-hesed-ɛbi  de-hesed-ɔ
 many block  gaɺa-doˈsod-  gaɺa-doso-ma  gaɺa-doso-mɛnɔ  gaɺa-dosod-ɛbi  gaɺa-dosod-ɔ
 stand in rows dasi-ɺi-tʰɔˈsod- dasi-ɺi-tʰɔso-ma dasi-ɺi-tʰɔso-m. dasi-ɺi-tʰɔsod-ɛ. dasi-ɺi-tʰɔsod-ɔ

Roots with final apical non-stop /ɺ/ follow the same pattern as those with final voiced stop /d-/ above, with final /ɺ/being lost in stem I and stem II forms but surfacing in stem III and stem IV:

     I  II  III  IV
   ɺ-  ø-ma  ø-mɛnɔ  ɺ-ɛbi  ɺ-ɔ
 lean against  aˈniɺ-  aní-ma  ani-mɛnɔ  aniɺ-ɛbi  aniɺ-ɔ
 wear out  biˈdiɺ-  bidi-ma  bidi-mɛnɔ  bidiɺ-ɛbi  bidiɺ-ɔ
 push  kʰaˈniɺ-  kʰani-ma  kʰani-mɛnɔ  kʰaniɺ-ɛbi  kʰaniɺ-ɔ
 loosen  faˈseɺ-  fase-ma  fase-mɛnɔ  faseɺ-ɛbi  faseɺ-ɔ
 spread fingers  daˈgeɺ-  dage-ma  —  dageɺ-ɛbi  dage-ɔ
 eviscerate  tʰanˈdaɺ- tʰanda-ma tʰanda-mɛnɔ tʰandaɺ-ɛbi tʰandaɺ-ɔ
 drown  kʰanˈdaɺ- kʰanda-ma kʰanda-mɛnɔ kʰandaɺ-ɛbi kʰandaɺ-ɔ
 kill fish  jaˈsaɺ-  jasa-ma  jasa-mɛnɔ  jasaɺ-ɛbi  jasaɺ-ɔ
 turn around (tr.) noˈdoɺ-  nodo-ma  nodo-mɛnɔ  nodoɺ-ɛbi  nodoɺ-ɔ
 hand out  tʰanˈdoɺ- tʰando-ma tʰando-mɛnɔ tʰandoɺ-ɛbi tʰandoɺ-ɔ
 snap off  tʰanˈdoɺ- tʰandó-ma tʰando-mɛnɔ tʰandoɺ-ɛbi tʰandoɺ-ɔ
 hold up  tʰaˈɺoɺ-  tʰaɺo-ma  tʰaɺo-mɛnɔ  tʰaɺoɺ-ɛbi  tʰaɺoɺ-ɔ
 push under  tʰɔˈnoɺ-  tʰɔno-ma  tʰɔno-mɛnɔ  tʰɔnoɺ-ɛbi  tʰɔnoɺ-ɔ
 push down  tʰɔˈɺoɺ-  tʰɔɺo-ma  tʰɔɺo-mɛnɔ  tʰɔɺoɺ-ɛbi  tʰɔɺoɺ-ɔ
 push across  sɔˈsoɺ-  sɔso-ma  sɔso-mɛnɔ  sɔsoɺ-ɛbi  sɔsoɺ-ɔ
 cover  amˈbuɺ-  ambu-ma  ambu-mɛnɔ  ambuɺ-ɛbi  ambuɺ-ɔ

Two apparently irregular examples are ambiguous between final /ɺ-/ and unstressed final /ɺe-/ (above); the first of these is also found in a compound /nana-tʰanˈden-/ (below) with the stem I form /nana-/:

     I  II  III  IV
   ɺ-  ɺe-ma ø-mɛnɔ  ɺ-ɛbi  ɺ-ɔ
 make hole  naˈnaɺ(e)-  nanaɺe-ma nana-mɛnɔ  nanaɺ-ɛbi  nanaɺ-ɔ
   ɺ-  ø-ma  ɺe-mɛnɔ  ɺ-ɛbi  ɺ-ɔ
 be hostile digeˈneɺ(e)- digene-ma digeneɺe-mɛnɔ digeneɺ-ɛbi digeneɺ-ɔ

Monosyllabic roots with final consonants …

… monosyllabic roots with final bilabial nasal /m/ …:

     I  II  III  IV
   m- ma-na ø-nɛnɔ ø-nɛbi ?
 go ˈham-  hama-na  hɛ-nɛnɔ  hɛ-nɛbi  —

Monosyllabic roots with final bilabial voiced stop /b/ …:

     I  II  III  IV
   b- b-a b-ɛnɔ ø-dɛbi b-ɛ
 hear ˈdab-  —  dɛb-ɛnɔ  dɛ-dɛbi  —
 see  ˈbɔb-  bɔb-a  bɛb-ɛnɔ  bɛ-dɛbi  bɛb-ɛ

The root /bɔb-/ is also found in compounds with the auxilliary /-fo-/ (below) followed by the irregular verbs /ˈmese-/ “sit” and /ˈmeɺe-/ “stand” (below,) in which it is realized as /bɔ-fɔ-/.

Monosyllabic roots with final velar voiced stop /g/ …:

     I  II  III  IV
   g- gV-ma ø-bɛnɔ ø-dɛbi g-ɔ
 remove stop ˈtʰog- tʰogo-ma  tʰo-bɛnɔ  tʰo-dɛbi  tʰog-ɔ́
 strip off  ˈhog-  —  ho-bɛnɔ  ho-dɛbi  hog-ɔ

…:

     I  II  III  IV
   g- gV-ma ø-bɛnɔ ø-dɛbi d-ɔ
 attack many ˈhug-  hugu-ma  hu-bɛnɔ  hu-dɛbi  hud-ɔ́

…:

     I  II  III  IV
   g-  gV-ma ø-bɛnɔ ø-dɛbi gV-ø
 pull up/out dug(u)- dugú-ma  du-bɛnɔ  du-dɛbi  dugú-ø
 drill hole  bug(u)- bugu-ma  bu-bɛnɔ  bu-dɛbi  bugu-ø

Monosyllabic roots with final labiodental fricative /f/ …:

     I  II  III  IV
   f- f-a f-ɛnɔ ø-tʰɛbi f-ɛ
 make oven ˈuf-  úf-a  uf-ɛnɔ  u-tʰɛbi  úf-ɛ

     I  II  III  IV
   f- f-a f-ɛnɔ ø-tʰɛbi f-ɛ
 fill sago bag ˈ…  wɔf-a  wɔif-ɛnɔ  wɔi-tʰɛbi  wɔif-ɛ

     I  II  III  IV
   f-  f-a  f-ɛnɔ  ø-tʰɛbi f-ɛ
 bake in leaves doˈwɔf-  dowɔf-a  dowɔf-ɛnɔ  dowɔ-tʰɛbi  dowɔf-ɛ
   f-  f-a  f-ɛnɔ  ø-dɛbi  f-ɛ
 close door  aˈsif-  asif-a  asif-ɛnɔ  asi-dɛbi  asif-ɛ
   f-  f-a  f-ɛnɔ  ø-tʰɛbi f-ɔ
 stop/leave  kʰaˈdef- kʰadef-a kʰadef-ɛnɔ kʰade-tʰɛbi kʰadef-ɔ

Here Schieffelin and Feld's apical voiced stop /d/ rather than voiceless /tʰ/ in the third person future imperative (stem III) suffix is unexpected and unexplained:

     I  II  III  IV
   f- f-a f-ɛnɔ ø-dɛbi f-ɛ
 cook/burn ˈsɔf-  sɔf-a  sɔf-ɛnɔ  sɔ-dɛbi  sɔf-ɛ

… monosyllabic roots with final apical nasal /n/ …:

     I  II  III  IV
   n-/a_ nV-ma ø-mɛnɔ n-dɛbi n-ɔ
 slice up  ˈban-  bana-ma  bɛ-mɛnɔ  bɛn-dɛbi  bɔn-ɔ
 hit  ˈsan-  sana-ma  sɛ-mɛ́nɔ  sɛn-dɛbi  sɔn-ɔ
   n-/u_ nV-ma ø-mɛnɔ n-dɛbi w-ɔ
 tie knot  ˈsun-  sunu-ma  su-mɛnɔ  sun-dɛbi  suw-ɔ́
 chop down ˈkʰun-  kʰunu-ma  kʰu-mɛnɔ  kʰun-dɛbi  kʰuw-ɔ

…:

     I  II  III  IV
     anu-ma u-mɛnɔ un-dɛbi uw-ɔ
 cut grass ˈhanu-/ˈhun- hanu-ma  hu-mɛnɔ  hun-dɛbi  huw-ɔ

… monosyllabic root with final fricative /s/. …:

     I  II  III  IV
   s-  su-ma ø-fɛnɔ ø-tʰɛbi u-ø
 weave bag  as(u)-  ásu-ma  ɛ-fɛnɔ  ɛ-tʰɛbi  asú-ø
 draw water was(u)- wasu-ma  wa-fɛnɔ  wɛ-tʰɛbi  wasu-ø

Monosyllabic roots with final apical non-stop /ɺ/ following vowels /i e o u/ differ from roots of the form /ˈCVɺV-/ (above) only in the stem II form, in which /ɺ/ is dropped:

     I  II  III  IV
   ɺ- ɺV-ma ø-mɛnɔ ɺ-ɛbi ɺ-ɔ
 lengthen/stretch ˈtʰiɺ- tʰiɺi-ma  tʰi-mɛnɔ  tʰiɺ-ɛbi  tʰiɺ-ɔ
 tie w/vine  ˈmeɺ-  meɺe-ma  me-mɛnɔ  meɺ-ɛbi  meɺ-ɔ
 lay out/down  ˈfeɺ-  feɺe-ma  fe-mɛnɔ  feɺ-ɛbi  feɺ-ɔ
 put in/plant  ˈgeɺ-  geɺe-ma  ge-mɛnɔ  geɺ-ɛbi  geɺ-ɔ
 call animal  ˈweɺ-  weɺe-ma  we-mɛnɔ  weɺ-ɛbi  weɺ-ɔ
 blow on fire  ˈfoɺ-  foɺo-ma  fo-mɛnɔ  foɺ-ɛbi  foɺ-ɔ
 make puddle  ˈgoɺ-  goɺo-ma  go-mɛnɔ  goɺ-ɛbi  goɺ-ɔ
 touch  ˈgoɺ-  goɺó-ma  go-mɛnɔ  goɺ-ɛbi  goɺ-ɔ́
 whoop  ˈuɺ-  uɺu-ma  u-mɛnɔ  uɺ-ɛbi  uɺ-ɔ́
 pour out  ˈtʰuɺ- tʰuɺu-ma  tʰu-mɛnɔ  tʰuɺ-ɛbi  tʰuɺ-ɔ
 cut up pig  ˈguɺ-  guɺu-ma  gu-mɛnɔ  guɺ-ɛbi  —

Monosyllabic roots in which final apical non-stop /ɺ/ follows low central vowel /a/ drop /ɺ/ in both stem I and stem II forms:

     I  II  III  IV
   ɺ-/a_ ø-ma ø-mɛnɔ ɺ-ɛbi ɺ-ɔ
 add to  ˈbaɺ-  ba-ma  bɛ-mɛnɔ  bɛɺ-ɛbi  bɔɺ-ɔ
 attach/stick on ˈbaɺ-  ba-ma  bɛ-mɛnɔ  bɛɺ-ɛbi  bɔ́ɺ-ɔ́
 shut/close  ˈkʰaɺ-  kʰa-ma  kʰɛ-mɛnɔ  kʰɛɺ-ɛbi  kʰɔɺ-ɔ

…:

     I  II  III  IV
   ɺ- ø-ma ø-mɛnɔ ɺ-ɛbi ɺ-ɔ
 shoot ˈoɺ-  o-ma  o-mɛnɔ  oɺ-ɛbi  oɺ-ɔ́

…:

     I  II  III  IV
   ɺ- ɺi-ma ø-mɛnɔ ɺ-ɛbi ɺi-ø
 take from bag ˈtʰiɺ- tʰiɺí-ma  tʰi-mɛnɔ  tʰiɺ-ɛbi  tʰiɺí-ø
 demand pay  ˈsiɺ-  síɺi-ma  si-mɛnɔ  siɺ-ɛbi  siɺí-ø

Monosyllabic roots with final vowels generally retain this vowel in all conjugations, excepting only those with final low central /a/ (below.) Generally this entails the loss of past tense /-ɔ/, although there are a few exceptions as will be shown.. Thus, we can conclude that all monosyllabic roots are stressed.

     I  II  III  IV
   Ci- Ci-ma Ci(j)-ɛnɔ Cij-ɛbi Ci-ø
 sing chorus ˈtʰi-  tʰi-ma  tʰi-ɛnɔ  tʰij-ɛbi  tʰí-ø
 take out  ˈtʰi-  tʰi-ma  tʰi-ɛnɔ  tʰij-ɛbi  tʰí-ø
 take  ˈdi-  di-ma  dij-ɛnɔ  dij-ɛbi  di-ø

The paradigm for “give” is identical to these except that imperative /-ma/ has regularly become /-na/ due to the influence of root-initial /m-/ (below):

     I  II  III  IV
   mi- mi-na mij-ɛnɔ mij-ɛbi mi-ø
 give ˈmi-  mi-na  mi(j)-ɛnɔ  mij-ɛbi  mi-ø

One apparent exception perhaps suggests the underlying form /hiˈji-/:

     I  II  III  IV
   Ci(ˈji)- Ci-ma Ci-mɛnɔ Ci-ɺɛbi Ci-ø
 chop/split hi(ˈji)-  hi-ma  hi-mɛnɔ  hi-ɺɛbi  hi-ø

… As with “give” above, initial /m/ provokes a change in the infinitive suffix from /-ma/ to /-na/:

     I  II  III  IV
   me- me-na mi-ɛnɔ ? mij-ɔ
 come ˈme-  me-na  mi-ɛnɔ  —  mij-ɔ́

     I  II  III  IV
   Cɛ- Cɛ-ma Cɛ-mɛnɔ Cɛ-ɺɛbi Cɛ-ø
 bequeath ˈtʰɛ-  tʰɛ-ma  tʰɛ-mɛnɔ  tʰɛ-ɺɛbi  tʰɛ-ø

Monosyllabic roots with final vowel /a/ interpolate a subphonemic palatal glide [j] between the root and past /-ɔ/, where /Ca/ or /Cɔ/ might otherwise be expected. This is analogous to the realizations of ergative, locative and topic enclitics on nominals which likewise take an epemthetic [j] when following root-final /a/ (above,) except that here the vowel of the verb root becomes either high front /i/ or high mid front /e/.

…:

     I  II  III  IV
   Ca₁- Ca-ma Cɛ-mɛnɔ Cɛ-ɺɛbi Cij-ɔ
 say/speak ˈsa₁-  sa-ma  sɛ-mɛnɔ  sɛ-ɺɛbi  sij-ɔ

     I  II  III  IV
   Ca₂- Ca-ma Ca-mɛnɔ Ca-ɺɛbi Cej-ɔ
 rub out/wash ˈha₂-  ha-ma  ha-mɛnɔ  ha-ɺɛbi  hej-ɔ́

     I  II  III  IV
   (C)ɔ - (C)ɔ-ma (C)ɔ-mɛnɔ (C)ɔ-ɺɛbi (C)ɔ-ø
 bite off  ˈɔ-  ɔ-ma  ɔ-mɛnɔ  ɔ-ɺɛbi  ɔ-ø
 light torch ˈdɔ-  dɔ-ma  dɔ-mɛnɔ  dɔ-ɺɛbi  dɔ-ø
 warm self  ˈgɔ-  gɔ-ma  gɔ-mɛnɔ  gɔ-ɺɛbi  gɔ-ø

…:

     I  II  III  IV
   Co- Co-ma Co-mɛnɔ Cow-ɛbi Cow-ɔ
 ?  ˈfo-  fo-ma  fo-mɛnɔ  fow-ɛbi  fow-ɔ
 speak/talk ˈtʰo-  tʰó-ma  —  —  —
 be/stay/do ˈdo-  do-ma  do-mɛnɔ  dow-ɛbi  dow-ɔ
 die  ˈso-  so-ma  so-mɛnɔ  sow-ɛbi  sow-ɔ

     I  II  III  IV
   Cu- Cu-ma Cu-mɛnɔ Cu-ɺɛbi Cu-ø
 pick fruit ˈtʰu-  tʰu-ma  tʰu-mɛnɔ  tʰu-ɺɛbi  tʰu-ø

On the strength of Grosh and Grosh's (2004b: 66-67) assertion that vowel sequences in which the first vowel is higher than the second are realized as phonetic diphthongs, two examples involving sequences /ɛu au/ are treated as monosyllabic verbs with a final vowel [ɛᵘ aᵘ].

     I  II  III  IV
   Cɛu- Cɛu-ma Cɛu-mɛnɔ Cɛuw-ɛbi Cɛuw-ɔ
 hold ˈtʰɛu-  tʰɛu-ma  tʰɛu-mɛnɔ  tʰɛuw-ɛbi  tʰɛuw-ɔ

     I  II  III  IV
   ˈCau- Cau-ma Cau-mɛnɔ ? ?
 do like that au-  au-ma  au-mɛnɔ  —  —

Grosh and Grosh (2004b: 71, cf. 2004a: 10) observe that “Some verb stems tend to display vowel harmony in which the first vowel int he verbal suffix influences the preceding vowel(s) in the verb root. This vowel harmony process occurs only in a restricted set of verbs stems, and appears to be restricted to the domain of verbs with single syllable stems.” Here we outline the rules which govern this process.

The most straightfoward pattern of ablaut is found in monosyllabic roots of the form /*CaC-/ in which low central vowel /a/ is fronted to low mid front /ɛ/ or low mid back /ɔ/ in harmony with the first vowel of the suffix as follows:

     I  II  III  IV
   a  a  ɛ  ɛ  ɔ
 go  ˈham-  hama-na hɛ-nɛnɔ  hɛ-nɛbi  —
 eat/drink  ˈman-  ma-ja  m-ɛnɔ  —  mɔn-ɔ
 slice up  ˈban-  bana-ma bɛ-mɛnɔ  bɛn-dɛbi bɔn-ɔ
 hit  ˈsan-  sana-ma sɛ-mɛ́nɔ sɛn-dɛbi sɔn-ɔ
 attach/stick on ˈbaɺ-  ba-ma  bɛ-mɛnɔ  bɛɺ-ɛbi  bɔ́ɺ-ɔ́
 add to  ˈbaɺ-  ba-ma  bɛ-mɛnɔ  bɛɺ-ɛbi  bɔɺ-ɔ
 shut/close  ˈkʰaɺ- kʰa-ma  kʰɛ-mɛnɔ kʰɛ-ɺɛbi kʰɔɺ-ɔ

The root /ˈsa-/ “say/speak” follows this pattern except in the past, where /a/ is raised to /i/ due to the interpolation of subphonemic palatal glide [j] (above):

     I  II  III  IV
   a a ɛ  ɛ  i
 say/speak ˈsa-  sa-ma sɛ-mɛnɔ sɛ-ɺɛbi sij-ɔ

It should be noted from the outset that the stem forms designated in these sections do not in this respect necessarily apply to all suffixes in that stem class (although all forms should be predictable from Schieffelin and Feld's examples as both future imperative /-(ɺ)ɛbi/ and past /-ɔ/ appear in ablauting environments.) Unlike the realization of final segments which is governed by the initial consonant of the suffix, which is the organizing principle behind stem form assignations, ablaut is governed by the first vowel of the suffix in combination with the vowel of the monosyllabic stem, or the penultimate vowel of disyllabic stems (below.) For example, the root vowel in stem III forms for /ham-/ “go” varies as follows (q.v. Grosh and Grosh 2004a: 10, 2004b: 71):

     III  III  III
     fut. imperative 2/3 present 1 present
     -(ɺ)ɛbi  -(ɺ)ab  -(ɺ)ɔɺ
   a ɛ  a  ɔ
 go ˈham- hɛn-ɛbi  han-ab  hɔn-ɔɺ

(n.b. Schieffelin and Feld give the second and third person present form of “go” as /hɛn-ab/; we follow Grosh and Grosh as their attestation makes more phonologial sense.)

… :

     I  II  III  IV
   ɔ ɔ ɛ  ɛ  ɛ
 see ˈbɔb- bɔb-a bɛb-ɛnɔ bɛ-dɛbi bɛb-ɛ

…:

     I  II  III  IV
   au  ? au  ɛ  ɔ
 do like that ˈaungu- —  aungu-mɛnɔ ɛng-ɛbi ɔng-ɔ

This phenomenon also affects disyllabic verb roots of the form /ˈ(C)aCe ˈ(C)aCa/ when the second vowel is regularly lost in stem III and stem IV forms to yield a monosyllabic stem /(C)aC/:

     I  II  III  IV
   a  a  a  ɛ  ɔ
 sweep  ˈtʰabe-  tʰabe-ma tʰabe-mɛnɔ tʰɛb-ɛbi tʰɔb-ɔ
 lick  ˈdabe-  dabe-ma  dabe-mɛnɔ  dɛb-ɛbi  dɔb-ɔ
 line up  aˈda-  ada-ma  ada-mɛnɔ  ɛd-ɛbi  ɔd-ɔ
 layer  maˈda-  mada-ma  mada-mɛnɔ  mɛd-ɛbi  mɔd-ɔ
 clear path  ˈfa(n)ˈda- fada-ma  fada-mɛnɔ  fɛd-ɛbi  fɔd-ɔ
 take off hook ˈtʰaga-  tʰaga-ma tʰaga-mɛnɔ —  tʰɔg-ɔ
 split aside  ˈtʰaɺa-  tʰaɺa-ma tʰaɺa-mɛnɔ tʰɛɺ-ɛbi tʰɔɺ-ɔ
 lead to kill  ˈsasa-  sasa-ma  sasa-mɛnɔ  sɛs-ɛbi  sɔs-ɔ
 distribute  ˈsaga-  ságà-ma  saga-mɛnɔ  sɛg-ɛbi  sɔg-ɔ́
 dance  ˈjaba-  jaba-ma  jaba-mɛnɔ  jɛb-ɛbi  jɔb-ɔ́

One example which unexpectedly takes /-ɛ/ in the past varies accordingly:

     I  II  III  IV
   a  a  a  ɛ  ɛ
 suck pits ˈmasa- masa-ma masa-mɛnɔ mɛs-ɛbi mɛs-ɛ

…:

     I  II  III  IV
   a  a  a  a  ɔ
 plug tube  daˈfe- dafe-ma dafe-mɛnɔ dafe-ɺɛbi dɔf-ɔ
 untie  faˈge- fage-ma fage-mɛnɔ fage-ɺɛbi fɔg-ɔ
   a  a  a  a  ɔ
 make wall  gaˈɺa- gaɺa-ma gaɺa-mɛnɔ gaɺa-ɺɛbi gɔɺ-ɔ
 squeeze out haˈɺa- haɺa-ma haɺa-mɛnɔ haɺa-ɺɛbi hɔɺ-ɔ

…:

     I  II  III  IV
   a a  a  a  o
 tie up aˈso- aso-ma aso-mɛnɔ aso-ɺɛbi os-ɔ

…:

     I  II  III  IV
   a  a  a  a  a
 continue  saˈde- sade-ma sade-mɛnɔ sad-ɛbi sad-ɔ
 catch fish haˈde- hade-ma hade-mɛnɔ had-ɛbi had-ɔ
 swim  ˈdase- dase-ma dase-mɛnɔ das-ɛbi das-ɔ

Disyllabic roots of the form /ˈ(C)iCa- ˈ(C)uCa- ˈ(C)aCi- ˈ(C)aCu-/ undergo vowel alternations in the stem:

     I  II  III  IV
   ˈida- aɺa-ma aɺa-mɛnɔ id-ɛbi id-ɔ
 scrape off  ˈgida-  gaɺá-ma  gaɺa-mɛnɔ  gid-ɛbi  gid-ɔ́
 show  ˈwida-  waɺa-ma  waɺa-mɛnɔ  wid-ɛbi  wid-ɔ
   ˈuda- aɺa-ma aɺa-mɛnɔ ud-ɛbi ud-ɔ
 pay b.price  ˈfuda-  faɺa-ma  faɺa-mɛnɔ  fud-ɛbi  fud-ɔ́
   ˈadi- aɺi-ma aɺi-mɛnɔ id-ɛbi id-ɔ
 stand out  ˈbadi-  baɺi-ma  baɺi-mɛnɔ  bid-ɛbi  bid-ɔ
 meet on path ˈgadi-  gaɺi-ma  gaɺi-mɛnɔ  gid-ɛbi  gid-ɔ́
   ˈafu- afu-ma afu-mɛnɔ ?  ub-ɔ
 both hands  ˈfafu-  fafu-ma  fafu-mɛnɔ  —  fuf-ɔ
   ˈabu- abu-ma abu-mɛnɔ ub-ɛbi ub-ɔ
 fight  ˈbabu-  babu-ma  babu-mɛnɔ  bub-ɛbi  bub-ɔ́
   ˈagu- agu-ma agu-mɛnɔ ug-ɛbi ug-ɔ
 attach  ˈfagu-  fagu-ma  fagu-mɛnɔ  fug-ɛbi  fug-ɔ

…:

     I  II  III  IV
   ˈanu-/ˈun- anu-ma u-mɛnɔ un-dɛbi uw-ɔ
 cut grass ˈhanu-/ˈhun-  hanu-ma  hu-mɛnɔ  hun-dɛbi  huw-ɔ

Roots of the form /(C)aˈCi- (C)aˈCu-/ do not undergo vowel alternation and maintain their final vowel in both stem III and stem IV forms, showing the distinction to have originated as a difference in stress. There are no examples /(C)iˈCa- (C)uˈCa-/ because /a/ cannot take final stress (above):

     I  II  III  IV
   aˈCi- aCi-ma aCi-mɛnɔ aCi-ɺɛbi aCi-ø
 lie down  aˈɺi-  aɺi-ma  aɺi-mɛnɔ  aɺi-ɺɛbi  aɺí-ø
 get up  daˈsi-  dasi-ma  dasi-mɛnɔ  dasi-ɺɛbi  dasi-ø
 throw  saˈndi-  sandi-ma  sandi-mɛnɔ  sandi-ɺɛbi  sandi-ø
 split trunk  gaˈɺi-  gaɺi-ma  gaɺi-mɛnɔ  gaɺi-ɺɛbi  gaɺi-ø
 dig up  waˈɺi-  waɺi-ma  waɺi-mɛnɔ  waɺi-ɺɛbi  waɺi-ø
   aˈCu- aCu-ma aCu-mɛnɔ aCu-ɺɛbi aCu-ø
 take  aˈsu-  asú-ma  asu-mɛ́nɔ  asu-ɺɛ́bi  asú-ø
 scrape out  aˈɺu-  aɺu-ma  aɺu-mɛnɔ  aɺu-ɺɛbi  aɺú-ø
 tie together aˈɺu-  aɺu-ma  aɺu-mɛnɔ  aɺu-ɺɛbi  aɺú-ø

…:

     I  II  III  IV
   aC(u)- aCu-ma u-bɛnɔ u-dɛbi aCu-ø
 peel dagu-  dagu-ma  du-bɛnɔ  du-dɛbi  dagu-ø

…:

     I  II  III  IV
   aCo- aCo-ma aCo-mɛnɔ oC-ɛbi oC-ɔ
 peel  ˈgaso-  gaso-ma  gaso-mɛnɔ  gos-ɛbi  gos-ɔ
 jump on log hɛˈbabo- hɛbabo-ma  hɛbabo-mɛnɔ  hɛbob-ɛbi  hɛbob-ɔ
   aCo- aCo-ma aCo-mɛnɔ oC-ɛbi ɔC-ɔ
 look after  ˈfafo-  fafo-ma  fafo-mɛnɔ  fof-ɛbi  fɔf-ɔ

…:

     I  II  III  IV
   aCo- aCo-ma o-bɛnɔ o-dɛbi oC-ɔ
 strip off ˈhago-  hago-ma  ho-bɛnɔ  ho-dɛbi  hog-ɔ

…:

     I  II  III  IV
   aˈCo- aCo-ma aCo-mɛnɔ aCo-ɺɛbi oC-ɔ
 tie up aˈso-  aso-ma  aso-mɛnɔ  aso-ɺɛbi  os-ɔ

A small number of otherwise monosyllabic roots have an unexplained stressed rounded high back vowel /u/ appended to the stem I and stem IV forms while stem II and III forms remain monosyllabic and undergo fronting ablaut (above); cf. /as/ “netbag;” these are distinct from disyllables /ˈ(C)aCu-(C)aˈCu-/ (above):

     I  II  III  IV
   aC(u)- aCu-ma ɛ-Cɛnɔ ɛ-Cɛbi aCu-ø
 weave bag  as(u)-  ásu-ma  ɛ-fɛnɔ  ɛ-tʰɛbi  asú-ø
 hear  dab(u)-  dabu-ma  dɛ-bɛnɔ  dɛ-dɛbi  dabu-ø
 draw water was(u)-  wasu-ma  wa-fɛnɔ  wɛ-tʰɛbi  wasu-ø
   uC(u)- uCu-ma u-mɛnɔ uC-ɛbi uCu-ø
 drill hole bug(u)-  bugu-ma  bu-bɛnɔ  bu-dɛbi  bugu-ø
 cut up pig guɺ(u)-  guɺu-ma  gu-mɛnɔ  guɺ-ɛbi  guɺu-ø

It has been mentioned earlier that, following a monosyllabic root with initial or final bilabial nasal /m/, imperative /-ma/ is expressed as /-na/:

     I  II  III  IV
 give ˈmi-  mi-na  mi(j)-ɛnɔ mij-ɛbi mi-ø
 come ˈme-  me-na  mi-ɛnɔ  —  mij-ɔ́
 go  ˈham- hama-na hɛ-nɛnɔ  hɛ-nɛbi —

Several disyllables with initial /m/ follow a different pattern, with /-ma/ being expressed as merely /-a/, most likely following a stage in which it was /-na/:

     I  II  III IV
 sit  mese- mese-a mes-ɛnɔ — —
 stand  meɺe- meɺe-a meɺ-ɛnɔ — —
 ˈeat/drink man-  ma-ja  m-ɛnɔ  — mɔn-ɔ

…:

     I  II  III  IV
 layer maˈda- mada-ma mada-mɛnɔ mɛd-ɛbi mɔd-ɔ

In addition to the paradigms presented above, there are a small number of unambiguously suppletive paradigms associated with very basic meanings. Following is an exhaustive list of those given in Schieffelin and Feld (1998):

     I  II  III  IV
 come  ˈme-  me-na  mi-ɛnɔ  —  mij-ɔ́
 come  jV-  —  —  j-ɛbi  —
 sit  mese- mese-a  mes-ɛnɔ —  —
 sit    —  —  ø-tʰɛbi sen
 stand  meɺe- meɺe-a  meɺ-ɛnɔ —  —
 stand    —  —  ɔɺibi  eɺen
 eat/drink ˈman- ma-ja  m-ɛnɔ  —  mɔn-ɔ
 eat/drink nV-  —  —  n-ɛbi  —
 go  ˈham- hama-na hɛ-nɛnɔ hɛ-nɛbi —
 go  aˈne- —  —  —  ane-ø

Most of what would be considered adjectives in English are formally verbs in Kaluli. Their paradigms are most often underspecified in Schieffelin and Feld; nevertheless they can in many instances be definitively assigned to one of the classes presented above. What distinguishes them in practice is not adjectival meanings per se, but the lack of an attested imperative (i.e. stem I) form, which is the usual citation form of verbs in Schieffelin and Feld's dictionary. Stem II forms are typically exemplified with second/third person present /-(ɺ)ab/ rather than future imperative /-(ɺ)ɛbi/ and with second/third person future /-mɛib/ rather than first person future /-mɛnɔ/. Stem I forms are never exemplified so are not shown here:

     II  III  IV
     2/3 future  2/3 present past
   n-  ø-mɛib  j-ab  j-ɔ
 be annoyed  gaˈdin-  gadi-mɛib  gadij-ab  gadij-ɔ
 be unwillng  mɔ-ˈben-    mɔ-be-ab  mɔ-bej-ɔ
 ruined  baˈsan-  basa-mɛib  basaj-ab  basaj-ɔ
 fruit forming  daˈɺan-      daɺanj-ɔ
 be angry  kʰuɺuˈfɛn-  kʰuɺufɛ-mɛib  kʰuɺufɛj-ab kʰuɺufɛj-ɔ
 fair weather  moɺoˈfan-  moɺofa-mɛib  moɺofaj-ab  moɺofaj-ɔ
   CVn-  ø-mɛib  n-dab  j-ɛ
 rise from rain  ˈdin-  di-mɛib  din-dab  dij-ɛ
   ɺ-  ø-mɛib  ɺ-ab  ɺ-ɔ
 rise b. dam  boˈnoɺ-  bono-mɛib  bonoɺ-ab  bonoɺ-ɔ
   fV-    f-ab  f-ɔ
 be hot  ˈofɔ-    of-ab  of-ɔ́
   nV-/i e a ɔ_ nV-mɛib  j-ab  j-ɔ
 ripe/red  ˈgene-  gene-mɛib  gej-ab  gej-ɔ
 exhausted  bɔne-  bɔne-mɛib  bɔj-ab  bɔj-ɔ
 dirty/black  ˈhene-      hej-ɔ
 exhausted  hamane-    hamanj-ab  hamanj-ɔ
 chase away  gɔɺɔne-      gɔɺɔnj-ɔ
   nV-/u_    w-ab  w-ɔ
 thunder  ˈgunu-    guw-ab  guw-ɔ
   dV-    ɺV-ɺab  d-ɔ
 stand out  ˈbadi-    baɺi-ɺab  bid-ɔ
   dV-    id-ab  id-ɔ
 filled up  ˈwɛdi-    wɛid-ab  wɛid-ɔ
 spread out  sɔˈsɔde-    sɔsɔid-ab  
   ˈdV-  dV-mɛib  d-ab  d-ɔ
 dig/root  moˈdo-    modoɺab  mod-ɔ́
 wet  baˈda-  bada-mɛib  bɛd-ab (?)  bɔd-ɔ
 shake violently dɛbɛˈda-  dɛbɛda-mɛib  dɛbɛd-ab  dɛbɛd-ɔ
   sV-  sV-mɛib  s-ab  s-ɔ
 leaning  waˈsɛse-  wasɛse-mɛib  wasɛs-ab  wasɛs-ɔ
   gV-  gV-mɛib  g-ab  g-ɔ
 startled  iˈɺigi-    iɺig-ab  iɺig-ɔ
 swell/inflame  giˈɺigV-    giɺig-ab  giɺig-ɔ
 lightning  waˈbege-  wabege-mɛib  wabeg-ab  wabeg-ɔ
   ɺV-  ɺV-mɛib  ɺ-ab  ɺ-ɔ
 bitter  ˈhaɺe-  haɺe-mɛib  haɺ-ab  haɺ-ɔ
 get dark  ˈsoɺo-  soɺo-mɛib  soɺ-ab  
 grow  ˈduɺu-  duɺu-mɛib  duɺ-ab  duɺ-ɔ
 burp  baˈkʰaɺi-      bakʰaɺ-ɔ
 stay awhile  aˈmaɺe-  amaɺe-mɛib    amaɺe-ɔ
 forget  baˈbaɺe-    babaɺ-ab  babaɺ-ɔ
 sore/in pain  naˈgaɺe-  nagaɺe-mɛib  nagaɺ-ab  nagaɺ-ɔ
 rusty  waˈmeɺe-  wameɺe-mɛib  wameɺ-ab  wameɺ-ɔ
 angry  iˈmoɺo-  [imoɺo-mɛib]  imoɺ-ab  imoɺ-ɔ́
 sad  noˈfɔɺo-  [nofɔɺo-mɛib] nofɔɺ-ab  nofɔɺ-ɔ
 numbness  baˈmuɺu-  bamuɺu-mɛib  bamuɺ-ab  bamuɺ-ɔ
 lazy  bɔˈsuɺu-  bɔsuɺu-mɛib  bɔsuɺ-ab  bɔsuɺ-ɔ
 crooked  kʰoaˈgeɺe-    kʰoageɺ-ab  kʰoageɺ-ɔ́
 hypocritical  gagaˈgeɺe-    gagageɺ-ab  gagageɺ-ɔ
   ɺV-  ɺV-mɛib    ɺ-ɛ
 ruined  ˈwaɺe-  waɺe-mɛib  waɺ-ab  waɺ-ɛ
   ˈɺi-  ɺi-mɛib    ɺi-ø
 extinct  daniˈɺi-  daniɺi-mɛib    daniɺi-ø
   ˈɺa-  ɺa-mɛib    ɺ-ɔ
 pierce  waˈɺa-  waɺa-mɛib    wɔɺ-ɔ
   -fo₁-  f-ɛib    f-ɛ
 make hole  nekʰene-fo₁-  nekʰene-f-ɛib   nekʰene-f-ɛ

(A small number of examples of first person present /-(ɺ)ɔɺ/ and past progressive /-(ɺ)ale/ are not included here because they are in all instances redundant to those with /-(ɺ)ab/ second/third person present. Where a stem II form with second/third person future /-mɛib/ is shown in brackets, this is because first person future /-mɛnɔ/ was given instead.)

One example is indeterminate between stressed root-final /ˈdV-/ and unstressed /dV-/ because retention of apical voiced stop /d/ in stem II vs. lenition to non-stop /ɺ./ is disagnostic for this distinction; alternation between them appears to be irrregular:

     II  III  IV
   (ˈ)dV- dV-mɛib ~ ɺV-  d-ab d-ɔ
 sting sesede-  sesede-mɛib
 seseɺe-mɛib
 sesed-ab sesed-ɔ

Where no step II form is attested, it's not possible to determine whether a final vowel was present following apicals /n d s ɺ/:

     III  IV
     2/3 present past
   n[V]-  j-ab  j-ɔ
 be blunt  midin[V]-  midij-ab  midij-ɔ
 rotten  bɛsin[V]-    bɛsij-ɔ
 swollen  dɛin[V]-  dɛij-ab  dɛij-ɔ
 be tired  meden[V]-  medej-ab  medej-ɔ
 stink  hesen[V]-  hese-ab  hesej-ɔ
 hungry  tʰɛɺɛn[V]-  tʰɛɺɛij-ab  tʰɛɺɛij-ɔ́
 heavy  hidɛn[V]-  hidɛj-ab  hidɛj-ɔ
 scaly  bagan[V]-    bagaj-ɔ
 bubbles  kʰɔgoban[V]-  kʰɔgobaj-ab kʰɔgobaj-ɔ
   d[V]-  d-ab  d-ɔ
 cold  hid[V]-  hid-ab  hid-ɔ
 taste  nud[V]-  nud-ab  nud-ɔ
 cling to  okʰɛd[V]- ~ -g- okʰɛd-ab  okʰɛd-ɔ
 itch  daɺad[V]-  daɺad-ab  daɺad-ɔ
   s[V]-  s-ab  s-ɔ
 breeze  fɔfɔs[V]-  fɔfɔs-ab  fɔfɔs-ɔ
   ɺ[V]-  ɺ-ab  ɺ-ɔ
 refuse  indiɺ[V]-  indiɺ-ab  ɺ-ɔ
 want food  memeɺ[V]-  memeɺ-ab  memeɺ-ɔ
 rot/rotten  abuɺ[V]-  abuɺ-ab  abuɺ-ɔ
 dream  ofoɺ[V]-  [ofoɺ-ab]  ofoɺ-ɔ
 obstinate  bagoɺ[V]-  bagoɺ-ab  bagoɺ-ɔ
 move in sleep emegeɺ[V]-  emegeɺ-ab  emegeɺ-ɔ
 look wrong  fɔfɔndoɺ[V]-  fɔfɔndoɺ-ab fɔfɔndoɺ-ɔ

Wher no stem II form is attested, it is also not possible to distinguish unstressed stem-final /dV-/ from stressed /ˈdV-/, as both regularly retain [d] in stem II and stem III:

     III  IV
     2/3 present past
   (ˈ)dV- d-ab  d-ɔ
 withered wabidi-    wabid-ɔ
 dig/root modo-    mod-ɔ́

… auxilliaries and compounds ….

… auxilliary /-fo-/ … Schieffelin and Feld (1998: xii) “often indicates complete, thorough or full action.” The inflectional pattern of /-fo-/ is unique and instantly recognizable, differing from that of disyllabic verb roots with final /fV/ (above) in both stem II and stem III forms.

…past tense is signified by /-ɛ/, as it is on monosyllabic verb roots with final bilabials /b f/, rather than /-ɔ/, suggesting that /-fo-/ has been reduced to /-f-/ [f ø] as it has been in stems II and III:

   I  II  III  IV
 -fo₁-  -fo-ma  -f-ɛnɔ  -ø-tʰɛbi  -f-ɛ
 stem I-fo₁- stem I-fo-ma stem I-f-ɛnɔ stem I-ø-tʰɛbi stem I-f-ɛ
 -fo₂-  -fo-ma  -f-ɛnɔ  -ø-tʰɛbi  -f-ɔ
 stem I-fo₂- stem I-fo-ma stem I-f-ɛnɔ stem I-ø-tʰɛbi stem I-f-ɔ

… :

   stem I +-fo₁-   stem I-fo₁-
 close door  asi-  +-fo₁-  close door  asi-fo₁-
 join/follow  kʰudu-  +-fo₁-  continue  kʰudu-fo₁-
 bury in ashes hanu-  +-fo₁-  bury in ashes  hanu-fo₁-
 ?  nekʰene-  +-fo₁-  make hole  nekʰene-fo₁-
 take out/away dogase-  +-fo₁-  take out/aside dogase-fo₁-
 take off  hɔgɔfe-  +-fo₁-  undress  hɔgɔfe-fo₁-
 bury in ashes hanu-baɺi- +-fo₁-  bury in ashes  hanu-baɺi-fo₁-

One of these examples shows an apparently irregular reduction in the form of the root in the past:

     I  II  III  IV
     anu-fo-ma anu-f-ɛnɔ anu-ø-tʰɛbi u-f-ɛ
 bury in ashes hanu-fo₁- hanu-fo-ma  hanu-f-ɛnɔ  hanu-ø-tʰɛbi  hu-f-ɛ

… /-ɛ-fo₁-/ … literal meaning “put down and leave there” or the more figurative “completely”. Following low central and low mid back /a ɔ/, low mid front vowel /ɛ/ is raised to high front /i/ [-i-fo-], with /i/ retained in the past where /ɛ/ is dropped … vowel sequences /aɛ ɔɛ/ do not occur …:

   I  II  III  IV
 -ɛ-fo₁-/i e_ (j)-ɛ-fo-ma (j)-ɛ-f-ɛnɔ (j)-ɛ-ø-tʰɛbi -ø-f-ɛ
 -ɛ-fo₁-/o u_ w-ɛ-fo-ma  w-ɛ-f-ɛnɔ  w-ɛ-ø-tʰɛbi  -ø-f-ɛ
 -i-fo₁/a ɔ_- -i-fo-ma  -i-f-ɛnɔ  -i-ø-tʰɛbi  -i-f-ɛ ~ -i-f-e

…:

   stem I/i e_ +-ɛ-fo₁-   stem I-ɛ-fo₁-
 take out  tʰi-  +-ɛ-fo₁-  t. o. & put down  tʰi-ɛ-fo₁-
 take  di-  +-ɛ-fo₁-  put down  di-ɛ-fo₁-
 take from bag  tʰiɺi-  +-ɛ-fo₁-  take from bag  tʰiɺi-ɛ-fo₁-
 dig ground  daɺi-  +-ɛ-fo₁-  make dam  daɺi(j)-ɛ-fo₁-
 split trunk  gaɺi-  +-ɛ-fo₁-  split trunk  gaɺi(j)-ɛ-fo₁-
 beat sago pith bese-  +-ɛ-fo₁-  help beat pith  bese(j)-ɛ-fo₁-
 dry  kʰaɺaɺe-  +-ɛ-fo₁-  dry  kʰaɺaɺe(j)-ɛ-fo₁-
   stem I/o u_ +-ɛ-fo₁-   stem I-ɛ-fo₁-
 ?  ao-  +-ɛ-fo₁-  shoot  ao(w)-ɛ-fo₁-
 turn around  nodo-  +-ɛ-fo₁-  turn over  nodo(w)-ɛ-fo₁-
 knowledge  asu-  +-ɛ-fo₁-  help  asu(w)-ɛ-fo₁-
 tie together  aɺu-  +-ɛ-fo₁-  grab and tie  aɺu(w)-ɛ-fo₁-
 take away  ɔdu-  +-ɛ-fo₁-  take apart  ɔdu(w)-ɛ-fo₁-
 break off  buɺu-  +-ɛ-fo₁-  cut bamboo  buɺu(w)-ɛ-fo₁-
 peel  dagu-  +-ɛ-fo₁-  peel & leave  dagu(w)-ɛ-fo₁-
 pull up/out  dugu-  +-ɛ-fo₁-  pull up/out  dugu(w)-ɛ-fo₁-
 take off/down  sudu-  +-ɛ-fo₁-  take off/down  sudu(w)-ɛ-fo₁-
 ?  suɺu-  +-ɛ-fo₁-  lay other side  suɺu(w)-ɛ-fo₁-
 cover self  gɔɺu-  +-ɛ-fo₁-  cover (tr.)  gɔɺu(w)-ɛ-fo₁-
 cut grass  hanu-  +-ɛ-fo₁-  cut grass  hanu(w)-ɛ-fo₁-
 ?  ɔsagu-  +-ɛ-fo₁-  add food  ɔsagu(w)-ɛ-fo₁-
   stem I/a o_ +-i-fo₁-   stem I-i-fo₁-
 bite off  ɔ-  +-i-fo₁-  bite and leave  ɔ-i-fo₁-
 say/speak  sa-  +-i-fo₁-  negotiate  sa-i-fo₁-
 slice up  bana-  +-i-fo₁-  slice up & leave  bana-i-fo₁-
 clear path  fa(n)da-  +-i-fo₁-  clarify  fa(n)da-i-fo₁-
 take off hook  tʰaga-  +-i-fo₁-  unhook & put down tʰaga-i-fo₁-
 open  kʰoɺa-  +-i-fo₁-  open and leave  kʰoɺa-i-fo₁-
 make/build  di-mada-  +-i-fo₁-  prepare move  di-mada-i-fo₁-

Ccmpounds with the second member /aɺi-fo-/ also follow this pattern, even though independent occurences of /aɺi-fo-/ take past tense final /-ɔ/ (below):

   stem I +-aɺi-fo₁-   stem I-aɺi-fo₁-
 take  di-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  stand/put down  di-aɺi-fo₁-
 take care  tʰiɺi-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  arranged marry  tʰiɺi-aɺi-fo₁-
 take from bag  tʰiɺi-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  take from bag  tʰiɺi-aɺi-fo₁-
 carry  gɛɺi-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  help carry  gɛɺij-aɺi-fo₁-
 fear  tʰagi-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  threaten  tʰagi-aɺi-fo₁-
 get up  dasi-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  help stand  dasi-aɺi-fo₁-
 dig ground  daɺi-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  block stream  daɺij-aɺi-fo₁-
 push  kʰani-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  push and leave  kʰani-aɺi-fo₁-
 finish  eɺe-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  complete  eɺej-aɺi-fo₁-
 beat sago pith bese-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  ask to beat  bese-aɺi-fo₁-
 turn over  baɺe-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  turn o. & leave  baɺe-aɺi-fo₁-
 spread fingers dage-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  leave behind  dage-aɺi-fo₁-
 sharpen  doɺo-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  many sharpen  doɺo-aɺi-fo₁-
 wash/bathe  muɺu-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  wash/bathe (tr.) muɺu-aɺi-fo₁-
 close eyes  sugu-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  close eyes (tr.) sugu-aɺi-fo₁-
 drop  suɺu-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  fall over  suɺu-aɺi-fo₁-
 join/follow  kʰudu-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  track/follow  kʰudu-aɺi-fo₁-
 cover self  gɔɺu-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  cover & leave  gɔɺu-aɺi-fo₁-
 ?  guɺu-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  leave space  guɺu-aɺi-fo₁-
 stand on end  di-baɺi-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  pile together  di-baɺij-aɺi-fo₁-
 weight cover  digɛdi-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  weight w/many  digɛdi-aɺi-fo₁-
 get well/heal  faɺeɺe-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  cure/heal  faɺeɺej-aɺi-fo₁-
 hang over  de-heɺe-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  hang up  de-heɺe-aɺi-fo₁-
 dump/fall  kʰoɺodo-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  dump and leave  kʰoɺodo-aɺi-fo₁-

In one example, final high mid front vowel /e/ of the root is unexpectedly given as high front [ij] when followed by /aɺi-fo₁-/:

   stem I +-aɺi-fo₁-   stem I-aɺi-fo₁-
 dry kʰaɺaɺe-  +-fo₂-  dry over fire kʰaɺaɺij-aɺi-fo₁-

If the final vowel of the stem I form is low mid front /ɛ/ or low central /a/, the vowel is dropped when followed by /-aɺi-fo₁-/:

   stem I +-aɺi-fo₁-   stem I-aɺi-fo₁-
 lift/raise  tʰɛgɛ-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  lift/raise  tʰɛg-aɺi-fo₁-
 put in bag  disɛ-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  put i. b. & leave dis-aɺi-fo₁-
 say/speak  sa-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  plan  s-aɺi-fo₁-
 shut/close  kʰa-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  dress (tr.)  kʰ-aɺi-fo₁-
 cook in oven ufa-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  complete  uf-aɺi-fo₁-
 scrape bark  dona-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  scrape bark  don-aɺi-fo₁-
 hit  sana-  +-aɺi-fo₁-  kill and leave  san-aɺi-fo₁-

In the more common pattern, the past tense is indicated by the suffix /-ɔ/, suggesting that the inflections of auxilliary /-fo-/ are in the process of being regularized:

   stem I  +-fo₂-   stem I-fo₂-
 bequeath  tʰɛ-  +-fo₂-  leave behind  tʰɛ-fo₂-
 add to  ba-  +-fo₂-  add more  ba-fo₂-
 attach/stick on ba-  +-fo₂-  press together  ba-fo₂-
 say/speak  sa-  +-fo₂-  say now/tell  sa-fo₂-
 shut/close  kʰa-  +-fo₂-  put on clothes  kʰa-fo₂-
 be/stay/do  do-  +-fo₂-  stay awhile  do-fo₂-
 ?  do-  +-fo₂-  be finished  do-fo₂-
 sit  asi-  +-fo₂-  sit awhile  asi-fo₂-
 lie down  aɺi-  +-fo₂-  lie d. and sleep aɺi-fo₂-
 find source  midi-  +-fo₂-  stop at source  midi-fo₂-
 crush/step on  basi-  +-fo₂-  crush/step on  basi-fo₂-
 ?  tʰaɺi-  +-fo₂-  eat with sago  tʰaɺi-fo₂-
 give  di-mi-  +-fo₂-  give little  di-mi-fo₂-
 squeeze sago  digi-  +-fo₂-  squeeze sago  digi-fo₂-
 blow out torch  daɺi-  +-fo₂-  put out fire  daɺi-fo₂-
 throw  sandi-  +-fo₂-  throw  sandi-fo₂-
 carry  gɛɺi-  +-fo₂-  carry  gɛɺi-fo₂-
 meet on path  gaɺi-  +-fo₂-  leave path  gaɺi-fo₂-
 split trunk  gaɺi-  +-fo₂-  escape  gaɺi-fo₂-
 fill up  wɛɺi-  +-fo₂-  fill completely  wɛɺi-fo₂-
 tie w/vine  meɺe-  +-fo₂-  tie small things meɺe-fo₂-
 turn over  baɺe-  +-fo₂-  turn over  baɺe-fo₂-
 loosen  fase-  +-fo₂-  let go  fase-fo-₂
 untie  fage-  +-fo₂-  drop  fage-fo₂-
 use up  kʰede-  +-fo₂-  use up  kʰede-fo₂-
 stop/keave  kʰade-  +-fo₂-  stop/leave  kʰade-fo₂-
 put in/plant  geɺe-  +-fo₂-  plant  geɺe-fo₂-
 dawn  hɔɺe-  +-fo₂-  dawn  hɔɺe-fo₂-
 do like this  ɛɺɛ-  +-fo₂-  do like that  ɛɺɛ-fo₂-
 speak/talk  tʰo-ɺɛ-  +-fo₂-  talk awhile  tʰo-ɺɛ-fo₂-
 put in bag  disɛ-  +-fo₂-  put in bag  disɛ-fo₂-
 slice up  bana-  +-fo₂-  slice open  bana-fo₂-
 split aside  tʰaɺa-  +-fo₂-  spread open  tʰaɺa-fo₂-
 hook over  di-kʰa-  +-fo₂-  attach thatch  di-kʰa-fo₂-
 divination  di-ba-  +-fo₂-  divination  di-ba-fo₂-
 drown  kʰanda-  +-fo₂-  drown  kʰanda-fo₂-
 stand & stay  kʰaga-  +-fo₂-  stop/stay  kʰaga-fo₂-
 ?  uwɔ-  +-fo₂-  carry shoulder  uwɔ-fo₂-
 snap off  tʰando-  +-fo₂-  spread open  tʰando-fo₂-
 sharpen  doɺo-  +-fo₂-  sharpen  doɺo-fo₂-
 break off  buɺu-  +-fo₂-  break off  buɺu-fo₂-
 drop  suɺu-  +-fo₂-  drop  suɺu-fo₂-
 break off  guɺu-  +-fo₂-  break off  guɺu-fo₂-
 jump  hɔɺu-  +-fo₂-  jump down  hɔɺu-fo₂-
 attack many  hugu-  +-fo₂-  many attack  hugu-fo₂-
 make level  imiɺi-  +-fo₂-  make level  imiɺi-fo₂-
 match  iɺidi- ~ -ɺ- +-fo₂-  distribute  iɺidi-fo₂-
 stand on end  di-baɺi-  +-fo₂-  put down o. e.  di-baɺi-fo₂-
 pull together  digi-ɺi-  +-fo₂-  push together  digi-ɺi-fo₂-
 several carry  dijade-  +-fo₂-  each take  dijade-fo₂-
 put hand in  dagi-ɺɛ-  +-fo₂-  put hand in  dagi-ɺɛ-fo₂-
 get dressed  sɛgɛɺe-  +-fo₂-  get dressed  sɛgɛɺe-fo₂-
 dry  kʰaɺaɺe-  +-fo₂-  dry a little  kʰaɺaɺe-fo₂-
 grab  gɔdɔɺe-  +-fo₂-  grab  gɔdɔɺe-fo₂-
 make good  dinafa-  +-fo₂-  fix well  dinafa-fo₂-
 hold onto  tʰɛ-ɺi-ɺo-  +-fo₂-  hold onto  tʰɛ-ɺi-ɺo-fo₂-
 come quickly  di-kʰudu-  +-fo₂-  quickly gather  di-kʰudu-fo₂-
 pierce side  jadudu-  +-fo₂-  pierce side  jadudu-fo₂-
 ?  difigiɺi-  +-fo₂-  twist arrow  difigiɺi-fo₂-
 match & hit  iɺiɺi-sana-  +-fo₂-  distribute  iɺiɺi-sana-fo₂-

One example is indeterminate between /-fo₁-/ and /-fo₂-/ conjugations because no stem IV (past) form is attested:

     I  II  III  IV
   -fo[₁/₂]- -fo-ma -f-ɛnɔ -ø-tʰɛbi ?
 jump down dasu-fo[₁/₂]- dasu-fo-ma dasu-f-ɛnɔ dasu-ø-tʰɛbi —

…/-ɛ-fo₂-/ … Besides the difference in the vowel of the past which distinguishes /-fo₂-/ from /-fo₁-/, this pattern is analogous to that of /-ɛ-fo₁-/ (above,) in which preceding low and low mid back vowels /a ɔ/ induce the raising of underlying /ɛ/ to high front [i]. We can then urther generalize the rule to include both preceding low mid vowels /æ ɔ/ as well as low central /a/; thus this construction would be underlyingly /-ɛ-fo₂-/ with the phonetic realization [-i-fo-]:

   stem I +–i-fo₂-   stem I–i-fo₂-
 ?  fiɺɛ-  +-i-fo₂-  spread legs fiɺɛ-i-fo₂-
 split open kʰoɺɛ-  +-i-fo₂-  split open  kʰoɺɛ-i-fo₂-

…/-gɛ-ɛ-fo₂-/ … [-gɛ-i-fo-] …:

   stem I +-gɛ-i-fo₂-   stem I-gɛ-i-fo₂-
 lean against ani-  +-gɛ-i-fo₂-  push a little  ani-gɛ-i-fo₂-
 share  iɺi-  +-gɛ-i-fo₂-  send  iɺi-gɛ-i-fo₂-
 exchange  kʰiɺi-  +-gɛ-i-fo₂-  funnel sago  kʰiɺi-gɛ-i-fo₂-
 push  kʰani-  +-gɛ-i-fo₂-  push over  kʰani-gɛ-i-fo₂-
 be unwillng  mɔ-be-  +-gɛ-i-fo₂-  leave uneaten  mɔ-be-gɛ-i-fo₂-
 float  hɛɺe-  +-gɛ-i-fo₂-  float  hɛɺe-gɛ-i-fo₂-
 ?  hɛɺɛ-  +-gɛ-i-fo₂-  pant  hɛɺɛ-gɛ-i-fo₂-
 together  uwa-  +-gɛ-i-fo₂-  do together  uwa-gɛ-i-fo₂-
 bump/ruin  basa-  +-gɛ-i-fo₂-  bump into  basa-gɛ-i-fo₂-
 whistle  hoɺo-  +-gɛ-i-fo₂-  blow smoke  hoɺo-gɛ-i-fo₂-
 ?  bɔɺu-  +-gɛ-i-fo₂-  throw away  bɔɺu-gɛ-i-fo₂-
 break off  buɺu-  +-gɛ-i-fo₂-  throw away  buɺu-gɛ-i-fo₂-
 drop  suɺu-  +-gɛ-i-fo₂-  dropped/lost  suɺu-gɛ-i-fo₂-
 chop down  kʰunu-  +-gɛ-i-fo₂-  chop and leave  kʰunu-gɛ-i-fo₂-
 ?  ganu-  +-gɛ-i-fo₂-  chew & swallow  ganu-gɛ-i-fo₂-
 break off  guɺu-  +-gɛ-i-fo₂-  break and leave guɺu-gɛ-i-fo₂-
 forget  babaɺe-  +-gɛ-i-fo₂-  forget  babaɺe-gɛ-i-fo₂-
 speak out  fogɛɺe-  +-gɛ-i-fo₂-  encourage  fogɛɺe-gɛ-i-fo₂-
 spread out  sɔsɔɺe-  +-gɛ-i-fo₂-  spread out  sɔsɔɺe-gɛ-i-fo₂-
 chase away  gɔɺɔne-  +-gɛ-i-fo₂-  chase away  gɔɺɔne-gɛ-i-fo₂-
 splashing  fun-ˈgaɺɛ- +-gɛ-i-fo₂-  splashing  f.-g.-gɛ-i-fo₂-
 ?  tʰi-buɺu-  +-gɛ-i-fo₂-  throw away  tʰi-buɺu-gɛ-i-fo₂-
 roll across  fɔfɔgoɺo-  +-gɛ-i-fo₂-  roll down  f.-gɛ-i-fo₂-

The auxilliary /-ˈfeɺe-/ seems to function as a pluralizing counterpart of /-fo-/ (above,) and is likewise not associated with any independent root. Its stem forms are those of a regular disyllabic root:

   I  II  III  IV
 -ˈfeɺe-  -feɺe-ma  -feɺe-mɛnɔ  -feɺ-ɛbi  -feɺ-ɔ
 stem I-ˈfeɺe- stem I-feɺe-ma st. I-feɺe-mɛnɔ stem I-feɺ-ɛbi stem I-feɺ-ɔ

…:

   stem I +-ˈfeɺe-   stem I-ˈfeɺe-
 cut through gede-  +-ˈfeɺe-  cut into pieces gede-ˈfeɺe-
 jump  hɔɺu-  +-ˈfeɺe-  many jump  hɔɺu-ˈfeɺe-
 smoke meat  son-do-  +-ˈfeɺe-  hang & smoke  son-do-ˈfeɺe-
 put hand in dagi-ɺɛ-  +-ˈfeɺe-  put h. in many  dagi-ɺɛ-ˈfeɺe-
 crooked  kʰoageɺe-  +-ˈfeɺe-  many crooked  kʰoageɺe-ˈfeɺe-

In one of these examples, the final vowel of stem I and stem II forms appears to have been influenced by that of the auxlliary /-ɺɛ-/ (below):

     I  II  III  IV
   -ˈfeɺe- -feɺɛ-ma -feɺɛ-mɛnɔ -feɺ-ɛbi -feɺ-ɔ
 cut into pieces gede-ˈfeɺe- gede-feɺɛ-ma gede-feɺɛ-mɛnɔ gede-feɺ-ɛbi gede-feɺ-ɔ

… /-gɛ-ɛ-ˈfeɺe-/ realized as [-gɛ-i-feɺe-] due to the regular raising of /ɛ/ when preceded by low mid and low vowels /ɛ ɔ a/, is analogous to the complex auxilliary /-gɛ-ɛ- fo₂ -/ [-gɛ-i-fo-] (above):

   stem I +-gɛ-i-ˈfeɺe-   st.-I-gɛ-i-ˈfeɺe-
 push kʰani-  +-gɛ-i-ˈfeɺe-  push many kʰani-gɛ-i-ˈfeɺe-

One example given as merely /-gɛ-ˈfeɺe-/ is likely in error for [gɛ-i-ˈfeɺe-], since there are no other examples of either /-gɛ-ˈfeɺe-/ or /-gɛ-fo₂-/:

   stem I +-gɛ-ˈfeɺe-   st. I-gɛ-ˈfeɺe-
 throw sandi-  +-gɛ -ˈfeɺe-  many throw sandi-gɛ-ˈfeɺe-

… /-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-/ …:

   stem I +aɺi-ˈfeɺe-   st. I-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-
 close door  asi-  +-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-  close many  asij-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-
 carry  gɛɺi-  +-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-  many carry  gɛɺij-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-
 shorten  gende-  +-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-  shorten & leave gende-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-
 sharpen  doɺo-  +-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-  many sharpen  doɺo-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-
 weight cover  digɛdi-  +-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-  many w. cover  digɛdi-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-
 stand on end  di-baɺi-  +-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-  pile up many  di-baɺij-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-
 be in pain  nagaɺe-  +-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-  everyone pain  n.-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-
 hang over  de-heɺe-  +-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-  hang many  d.-h.-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-
 stand up (tr.) dasi-baɺi- +-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-  stand up many  d.-b.-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-
 crooked  kʰoageɺe-  +-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-  many crooked  k.-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-

As with /aɺi-fo₁-/ (above,) if the final vowel of the stem I form is low mid front /ɛ/ or low central /a/, the vowel is dropped when followed by /-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-/:

   stem I +aɺi-ˈfeɺe-   stem I-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-
 put in bag  disɛ-  +-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-  put many  dis-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-
 say/speak  sa-  +-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-  many plan  s-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-
 scrape bark dona-  +-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-  scrape many don-aɺi-ˈfeɺe-

The pattern of forms suffixed with auxilliary /-ɺɛ-/ differs from that of stressed root-final /ˈɺV-/ (above) in collapsing future imperative underlying /ɺɛ-ɺɛbi/ to [ɺ-ɛbi], and from unstressed root-final /ɺV-/ (above) in the past tense, in which final /ɛ/ is retained while past /-ɔ/ is dropped; thus it might be viewed as midway between stressed and unstressed:

   I  II  III  IV
 -ɺɛ-  -ɺɛ-ma  -ɺɛ-mɛnɔ  -ɺ-ɛbi  -ɺɛ-ø
 stem I-ɺɛ- stem I-ɺɛ-ma stem I-ɺɛ-mɛnɔ stem I-ɺ-ɛbi stem I-ɺɛ-ø

The most typical function of /ɺɛ-/ is to pluralize the object rather than the subject of a verb. Other examples have no obvious pluralizing function, suggesting perhaps a continuative or iterative sense:

   stem I  +-ɺɛ-   stem I-ɺɛ -
 take  di-  +-ɺɛ-  take off  di-ɺɛ-
 ?  di-  +-ɺɛ-  put in pile  di-ɺɛ-
 say/speak  sa-  +-ɺɛ-  sow anger  sa-ɺɛ-
 rub out/wash  ha-  +-ɺɛ-  rub out many  ha-ɺɛ-
 speak/talk  tʰo-  +-ɺɛ-  speak/talk  tʰo-ɺɛ-
 ?  isi-  +-ɺɛ-  clear bush  isi-ɺɛ-
 kiss  mimi-  +-ɺɛ-  kiss  mimi-ɺɛ-
 wear out  bidi-  +-ɺɛ-  wear out  bidi-ɺɛ-
 crush/step on  basi-  +-ɺɛ-  crush many  basi-ɺɛ-
 scatter about  fifi-  +-ɺɛ-  sprinkle  fifi-ɺɛ-
 cut meat  tʰidi-  +-ɺɛ-  cut into strips  tʰidi-ɺɛ-
 blow out torch  daɺi-  +-ɺɛ-  blow out torch  daɺi-ɺɛ-
 push  kʰani-  +-ɺɛ-  push many  kʰani-ɺɛ-
 forget  gɛɺi-  +-ɺɛ-  forget  gɛɺi-ɺɛ-
 fill up  wɛɺi-  +-ɺɛ-  fill up  wɛɺi-ɺɛ-
 hand  dagi-  +-ɺɛ-  put hand in  dagi-ɺɛ-
 dig ground  daɺi-  +-ɺɛ-  make fireplace  daɺi-ɺɛ-
 give hand  gasi-  +-ɺɛ-  give hand  gasi-ɺɛ-
 ?  jami-  +-ɺɛ-  wound  jami-ɺɛ-
 ?  deɺe-  +-ɺɛ-  reheat food  deɺe-ɺɛ-
 spread fingers  dage-  +-ɺɛ-  spread fingers  dage-ɺɛ-
 sharpen point  dɔne-  +-ɺɛ-  sharpen many  dɔne-ɺɛ-
 shame  sende-  +-ɺɛ-  shift blame  sende-ɺɛ-
 continue  sade-  +-ɺɛ-  continue  sade-ɺɛ-
 ?  sade-  +-ɺɛ-  list names  sade-ɺɛ-
 pick off  kʰebe-  +-ɺɛ-  pick at  kʰebe-ɺɛ-
 shorten  gende-  +-ɺɛ-  shorten  gende-ɺɛ-
 spin  hege-  +-ɺɛ-  go around  hege-ɺɛ-
 poison stream  jɔɺe-  +-ɺɛ-  poison many  jɔɺe-ɺɛ-
 ?  ɛɺɛ-  +-ɺɛ-  partition  ɛɺɛ-ɺɛ-
 ?  funɛ-  +-ɺɛ-  shine torch  funɛ-ɺɛ-
 lift/raise  tʰɛgɛ-  +-ɺɛ-  lift many  tʰɛgɛ-ɺɛ-
 put into  sɛɺɛ-  +-ɺɛ-  many put many  sɛɺɛ-ɺɛ-
 suck pits  masa-  +-ɺɛ-  suck many pits  masa-ɺɛ-
 clear path  fa(n)da-  +-ɺɛ-  make tracks  fa(n)da-ɺɛ-
 eviscerate  tʰanda-  +-ɺɛ-  finish all  tʰanda-ɺɛ-
 take off hook  tʰaga-  +-ɺɛ-  take off hook  tʰaga-ɺɛ-
 scrape bark  dona-  +-ɺɛ-  many scrape  dona-ɺɛ-
 smoke meat  sona-  +-ɺɛ-  smoke many  sona-ɺɛ-
 song/dance  gisa-  +-ɺɛ-  sing/dance  gisa-ɺɛ-
 make noise  gana-  +-ɺɛ-  make noise  gana-ɺɛ-
 make wall  gaɺa-  +-ɺɛ-  cover  gaɺa-ɺɛ-
 kill  jasa-  +-ɺɛ-  many kill  jasa-ɺɛ-
 slice up  bana-  +-ɺɛ-  cut & divide  bana-ɺɛ-
 move away  tʰɔgɔ-  +-ɺɛ-  take away  tʰɔgɔ-ɺɛ-
 grab  gɔdɔ-  +-ɺɛ-  grab fast  gɔdɔ-ɺɛ-
 dig/root  modo-  +-ɺɛ-  make mounds  modo-ɺɛ-
 turn around  nodo-  +-ɺɛ-  turn around  nodo-ɺɛ-
 snap off  tʰando-  +-ɺɛ-  snap off  tʰando-ɺɛ-
 slice across  tʰaɺo-  +-ɺɛ-  slice across  tʰaɺo-ɺɛ-
 ?  tʰono-  +-ɺɛ-  move piles  tʰono-ɺɛ-
 path  tʰokʰo-  +-ɺɛ-  make hole  tʰokʰo-ɺɛ-
 sharpen  doɺo-  +-ɺɛ-  sharpen many  doɺo-ɺɛ-
 cut off many  goɺo-  +-ɺɛ-  cut m. & leave  goɺo-ɺɛ-
 strip off  hago-  +-ɺɛ-  undress  hago-ɺɛ-
 cut into chunks hodo-  +-ɺɛ-  cut into chunks  hodo-ɺɛ-
 ?  ɛdu-  +-ɺɛ-  lower  ɛdu-ɺɛ-
 cover  ambu-  +-ɺɛ-  cover w/many  ambu-ɺɛ-
 take  asu-  +-ɺɛ-  throw away  asu-ɺɛ-
 take away  ɔdu-  +-ɺɛ-  take away  ɔdu-ɺɛ-
 both hands  fafu-  +-ɺɛ-  many b.h.  fafu-ɺɛ-
 ?  dasu-  +-ɺɛ-  strip leaves  dasu-ɺɛ-
 peel  dagu-  +-ɺɛ-  take apart  dagu-ɺɛ-
 pull up/out  dugu-  +-ɺɛ-  pull up/out  dugu-ɺɛ-
 take off/down  sudu-  +-ɺɛ-  take off/down  sudu-ɺɛ-
 cut up pig  guɺu-  +-ɺɛ-  cut pieces  guɺu-ɺɛ-
 attack many  hugu-  +-ɺɛ-  collapse house  hugu-ɺɛ-
 startled  iɺigi-  +-ɺɛ-  surprise  iɺigi-ɺɛ-
 wreck/spoil  mogagi-  +-ɺɛ-  wreck/spoil  mogagi-ɺɛ-
 weight cover  digɛdi-  +-ɺɛ-  keep weighting  digɛdi-ɺɛ-
 fill space  aɺande-  +-ɺɛ-  fill many  aɺande-ɺɛ-
 go around  begeɺe-  +-ɺɛ-  circle around  begeɺe-ɺɛ-
 forget  babaɺe-  +-ɺɛ-  forget  babaɺe-ɺɛ-
 split in two  basaɺe-  +-ɺɛ-  split many  basaɺe-ɺɛ-
 several carry  dijade-  +-ɺɛ-  several carry  dijade-ɺɛ-
 circle around  de-hege-  +-ɺɛ-  circle around  de-hege-ɺɛ-
 wrap around  damaɺe-  +-ɺɛ-  wrap many  damaɺe-ɺɛ-
 take out/away  dogase-  +-ɺɛ-  pull out/aside  dogase-ɺɛ-
 take from bag  segese-  +-ɺɛ-  take many  segese-ɺɛ-
 dry  kʰaɺaɺe-  +-ɺɛ-  dry many  kʰaɺaɺe-ɺɛ-
 trap  kʰɔn-dɔfe-  +-ɺɛ-  trap in ground  kʰɔn-dɔfe-ɺɛ-
 saliva  kʰodofe-  +-ɺɛ-  spit  kʰodofe-ɺɛ-
 chew bones  gɔbɔde-  +-ɺɛ-  chew bones  gɔbɔde-ɺɛ-
 cut pig meat  gɔgɔbe-  +-ɺɛ-  cut pig meat  gɔgɔbe-ɺɛ-
 take off  hɔgɔfe-  +-ɺɛ-  take off  hɔgɔfe-ɺɛ-
 jump/dance  tʰi-jaba-  +-ɺɛ-  jump/dance  tʰi-jaba-ɺɛ-
 shorten  amboɺo-  +-ɺɛ-  shorten several  amboɺo-ɺɛ-
 be tied up  aso-do-  +-ɺɛ-  tie bundles  aso-do-ɺɛ-
 tie on pole  bobodo-  +-ɺɛ-  tie on pole  bobodo-ɺɛ-
 cut meat  tʰabodo-  +-ɺɛ-  cut & distribute  tʰabodo-ɺɛ-
 entertain  tʰiɺi-tʰo-  +-ɺɛ-  entertain  tʰiɺi-tʰo-ɺɛ-
 roll up & tie  kʰamboɺo-  +-ɺɛ-  roll & tie several kʰamboɺo-ɺɛ-
 prison  gɔboso-  +-ɺɛ-  imprison  gɔboso-ɺɛ-
 remove bones  tʰɛgɛ-su-  +-ɺɛ-  remove bones  tʰɛgɛ-su-ɺɛ-
 lack light  dɔbubu-  +-ɺɛ-  be blind  dɔbubu-ɺɛ-
 dump/spill  kʰɔgɔɺu-  +-ɺɛ-  tip over  kʰɔgɔɺu-ɺɛ-
 m. scoop fish  dɔɺe-sɛɺɛ– +-ɺɛ-  m. scoop fish  dɔɺe-sɛɺɛ-ɺɛ-

In four examples, auxilliary vowel /ɛ/ is unexpectedly given as high-mid /e/:

     I  II  III  IV
   -ɺɛ- -ɺɛ-ma  -ɺe-mɛnɔ  -ɺ-ɛbi  -ɺɛ-ø
 many scrape dona-ɺɛ- dona-ɺɛ-ma  dona-ɺe-mɛnɔ  dona-ɺ-ɛbi  dona-ɺɛ-ø
 list names  sade-ɺɛ- sade-ɺɛ́-má sade-ɺe-mɛ́nɔ́ sade-ɺ-ɛ́bí sadé-ɺɛ́-ø
   -ɺɛ- -ɺe-ma  -ɺɛ-mɛnɔ  -ɺ-ɛbi  ?
 make noise  gana-ɺɛ- gana-ɺe-ma  gana-ɺɛ-mɛnɔ  gana-ɺ-ɛbi  —
   -ɺɛ- -ɺe-ma  -ɺe-mɛnɔ  -ɺ-ɛbi  -ɺɛ-ø
 many kill  jasa-ɺɛ- jasa-ɺe-ma  jasa-ɺe-mɛnɔ  jasa-ɺ-ɛbi  jasa-ɺɛ-ø

…:

     I  II  III  IV
   -ɺɛ-  -ɺe-ma  -ɺɛ-mɛnɔ  -ɺ-ɛbi  -ɺ-ɔ
 shorten  gende-ɺɛ-  gende-ɺe-ma  gende-ɺɛ-mɛnɔ  ginde-ɺ-ɛbi (?) gende-ɺ-ɔ
   -ɺɛ-  -ɺɛ-ma  -ɺe-mɛnɔ  -ɺ-ɛbi  -ɺ-ɔ
 circle around begeɺe-ɺɛ- begeɺe-ɺɛ-ma begeɺe-ɺe-mɛnɔ begeɺe-ɺ-ɛbi  begeɺe-ɺ-ɔ

…:

     I  II  III  IV
   -ɺɛ-  -ɺɛ-ma -ɺɛ-mɛnɔ -ɺ-ɛbi  -ɺ-ɔ
 kiss  mimi-ɺɛ-  mimi-ɺɛ-ma mimi-ɺɛ-mɛnɔ mimi-ɺ-ɛbi  mimi-ɺ-ɔ
 sing/dance  gisa-ɺɛ-  gisa-ɺɛ-ma gisa-ɺɛ-mɛnɔ gisa-ɺ-ɛbi  gisa-ɺ-ɔ
 grab fast  gɔdɔ-ɺɛ-  gɔdɔ-ɺɛ-ma gɔdɔ-ɺɛ-mɛnɔ gɔdɔ-ɺ-ɛbi  gɔdɔ-ɺ-ɔ
 m. scoop fish dɔɺe-sɛɺɛ-ɺɛ- —  —  dɔɺe-sɛɺɛ-ɺ-ɛbi dɔɺe-sɛɺɛ-ɺ-ɔ

…:

     I  II  III  IV
   o-ɺɛ-  o-ɺɛ-ma  o-ɺɛ-mɛnɔ  o-ɺ-ɛbi  ɛ-ɺ-ɔ
 imprison gɔboso-ɺɛ- gɔboso-ɺɛ-ma gɔboso-ɺɛ-mɛnɔ gɔboso-ɺ-ɛbi gɔbosɛ-ɺ-ɔ

… auxilliary /-tʰanˈden-/ [-tʰanden- -sanden- -sanen-] … Schieffelin and Feld (1998: xii.) … “often indicates many people doing repeated action to many things.” These observe the same pattern of conjugation as do other verbs with final apical nasal /n/ (above):

   I  II  III  IV
 -tʰanˈden ~ -s- -tʰan(d)e-ma -tʰan(d)e-mɛnɔ -tʰan(d)ej-ɛbi -tʰan(d)ej-ɔ

…:

   stem I  +-tʰanˈden-   st. I-tʰanˈden-
 rub out/wash  ha-  +-tʰanˈden-  many rub  ha-tʰanˈden-
 get up  dasi-  +-tʰanˈden-  many get up  dasi-tʰanˈden-
 be annoyed  gadi-  +-tʰanˈden-  many annoyed  gadi-tʰanˈden-
 turn over  baɺe-  +-tʰanˈden-  many turn over baɺe-tʰanˈden-
 measure  dɛfe-  +-tʰanˈden-  measure many  dɛfe-tʰanˈden-
 lick  dabe-  +-tʰanˈden-  many lick  dabe-tʰanˈden-
 swim  dase-  +-tʰanˈden-  many swim  dase-tʰanˈden-
 scoop fish  dɔɺe-  +-tʰanˈden-  many scoop  dɔɺe-tʰanˈden-
 take off  di-ɺɛ-  +-tʰanˈden-  take off many  di-ɺɛ-tʰanˈden-
 put into  sɛɺɛ-  +-tʰanˈden-  put all into  sɛɺɛ-tʰanˈden-
 make hole  nana-  +-tʰanˈden-  many m. holes  nana-tʰanˈden-
 eviscerate  tʰanda-  +-tʰanˈden-  m. eviscerate. tʰ.-tʰanˈden-
 push across  sɔsɔ- (?)  +-tʰanˈden-  p. a. many  sɔsɔ-tʰanˈden-
 chase away  ɔɺu-  +-tʰanˈden-  chase many  ɔɺu-tʰanˈden-
 wash/bathe  muɺu-  +-tʰanˈden-  many wash  muɺu-tʰanˈden-
 drill hole  bugu-  +-tʰanˈden-  many drill  bugu-tʰanˈden-
 hunt pig  buɺu-  +-tʰanˈden-  many hunt pig  buɺu-tʰanˈden-
 peel  dagu-  +-tʰanˈden-  peel many  dagu-tʰanˈden-
 cut up pig  guɺu-  +-tʰanˈden-  m. cut up pig  guɺu-tʰanˈden-
 break off  guɺu-ɺi-  +-tʰanˈden-  many break  g.-ɺi-tʰanˈden-
 stay awhile  aˈmeɺe-  +-tʰanˈden-  many stay  a.-tʰanˈden-
 get dressed  sɛgɛɺe-  +-tʰanˈden-  many dress  s.-tʰanˈden-
 take many  kʰefeɺe-  +-tʰanˈden-  many take  kʰ.-tʰanˈden-
 be in pain  nagaɺe-  +-tʰanˈden-  many in pain  n.-tʰanˈden-
 examine  di-bebe-  +-tʰanˈden-  many examine  d.-b.-tʰanˈden-
 scratch  dɔbede-  +-tʰanˈden-  many scratch  d.-tʰanˈden-
 play in mud  dɔboɺe- (?) +-tʰanˈden-  m. play in mud d.-tʰanˈden-
 get dressed  sɛgɛɺe-  +-tʰanˈden-  m. get dressed s.-tʰanˈden-
 put hand in  dagi-ɺɛ-  +-tʰanˈden-  many p. h. i.  d.-ɺ.-tʰanˈden-
 build  di-mada-  +-tʰanˈden-  many build  d.-m.-tʰanˈden-
 tie pig's leg gaɺoɺo-  +-tʰanˈden-  tie many pigs  g.-tʰanˈden-
 dump/spill  kʰɔgɔɺu-  +-tʰanˈden-  many dump  kʰ.-tʰanˈden-

A great many Kaluli verb stems result from compounding, in which verb roots are free to compile in what are in essence zero-marked serial constructions. In principle any two or more verbs can be joined to form compounds. Nominals may also serve as first members of verbal compounds. First constituents generally take their stem I forms, with consonant-final roots interpolating a copy vowel between them and the second constituent. Besides semantics, compounds may often be identified when their suffixation patterns are those of monosyllabic or suppletive paradigms. Some examples of these compounds follow. In a few instances the meaning of the first constituent is not known.

The most common second member of a verbal compound is /ˈdi-/ “take,” to the point where it might well be considered an auxilliary. Realized with an apical non-stop /-ɺi-/, it is distinguishable from multisyllabic roots with final syllables /di ɺi/ because the resulting compounds follow the the inflectional pattern of monosyllable /ˈdi-/:

   I  II  III  IV
 -ˈɺi-  -ɺi-ma  -ɺij-ɛnɔ  -ɺij-ɛbi  -ɺi-ø
 stem I-ˈɺi- stem I-ɺi-ma stem I-ɺij-ɛnɔ stem I-ɺij-ɛbi stem I-ɺi-ø

…:

   stem I  +ˈdi-   stem I-ˈɺi-
 bequeath  tʰɛ-  +ˈdi-  grab/hold  tʰɛ-ˈɺi-
 hold  tʰɛu-  +ˈdi-  lift and hold  tʰɛu-ˈɺi-
 say/speak  sa-  +ˈdi-  inform  sa-ˈɺi-
 light torch  dɔ-  +ˈdi-  light fire  dɔ-ˈɺi-
 take from bag  tʰiɺi-  +ˈdi-  take from bag  tʰiɺi-ˈɺi-
 squeeze sago  digi-  +ˈdi-  pull together  digi-ˈɺi-
 get up  dasi-  +ˈdi-  stand up  dasi-ˈɺi-
 exchange  kʰiɺi-  +ˈdi-  trade  kʰiɺi-ˈɺi-
 ?  kʰasi-  +ˈdi-  remove food  kʰasi-ˈɺi-
 ?  giɺi-  +ˈdi-  grab many  giɺi-ˈɺi-
 give hand  gasi-  +ˈdi-  lead by hand  gasi-ˈɺi-
 meet on path  gaɺi-  +ˈdi-  meet on path  gaɺi-ˈɺi-
 lay out/down  feɺe-  +ˈdi-  lay flooring  feɺe-ˈɺi-
 loosen  fase-  +ˈdi-  untie and open  fasi-ˈɺi-
 spread fingers dage-  +ˈdi-  hold apart  dage-ˈɺi-
 scoop fish  dɔɺe-  +ˈdi-  s. w. b. hands  dɔɺe-ˈɺi-
 use up  kʰede-  +ˈdi-  take all  kʰede-ˈɺi-
 cut through  gede-  +ˈdi-  pick from bunch gede-ˈɺi-
 ground  hɛne-  +ˈdi-  be dirty  hene-ˈɺi-
 do like this  ɛɺɛ-  +ˈdi-  grab many  ɛɺɛ-ˈɺi-
 lift/raise  tʰɛgɛ-  +ˈdi-  pick up  tʰɛgɛ-ˈɺi-
 wake/get up  dɛgɛ-  +ˈdi-  stand up  dɛgɛ-ˈɺi-
 put into  sɛɺɛ-  +ˈdi-  be born  sɛɺɛ-ˈɺi-
 split open  kʰoɺɛ-  +ˈdi-  split open  kʰoɺɛ-ˈɺi-
 ?  aɺa-  +ˈdi-  weave sago  aɺa-ˈɺi-
 ?  oɺa-  +ˈdi-  dry up  oɺa-ˈɺi-
 take off hook  tʰaga-  +ˈdi-  take off hook  tʰaga-ˈɺi-
 scrape bark  dona-  +ˈdi-  scrape bark  dona-ˈɺi-
 slice up  bana-  +ˈdi-  slice & divide  bana-ˈɺi-
 clear path  fa(n)da-  +ˈdi-  learn well  fa(n)da-ˈɺi-
 eviscerate  tʰanda-  +ˈdi-  finish job  tʰanda-ɺi-
 distribute  saga-  +ˈdi-  share out  saga-ˈɺi-
 open  kʰoɺa-  +ˈdi-  open wide  kʰoɺa-ˈɺi-
 move away  tʰɔgɔ-  +ˈdi-  get up & away  tʰɔgɔ-ˈɺi-
 tie up  aso-  +ˈdi-  tie leaves  aso-ˈɺi-
 snap off  tʰando-  +ˈdi-  snap off & take tʰando-ˈɺi-
 remove stop  tʰogo- ~ s- +ˈdi-  remove stop  tʰogo-ˈɺi-
 get dark  soɺo-  +ˈdi-  be dark  soɺo-ˈɺi-
 strip  hago-  +ˈdi-  undress (tr.)  hago-ˈɺi-
 take  asu-  +ˈdi-  take back  asu-ˈɺi-
 ?  aɺu-  +ˈdi-  many go  aɺu-ˈɺi-
 scrape out  aɺu-  +ˈdi-  scrape out  aɺu-ˈɺi-
 ?  tʰunu-  +ˈdi-  leave  tʰunu-ˈɺi-
 pick up & eat  tʰagu-  +ˈdi-  pick up & eat  tʰagu-ˈɺi-
 peel  dagu-  +ˈdi-  peel off  dagu-ˈɺi-
 pull up/out  dugu-  +ˈdi-  pull up/out  dugu-ˈɺi-
 drop  suɺu-  +ˈdi-  pick up  suɺu-ˈɺi-
 break off  guɺu-  +ˈdi-  break off  guɺu-ˈɺi-
 attack many  hugu-  +ˈdi-  collapse house  hugu-ˈɺi-
 ?  fɔfɔɺi-  +ˈdi-  hold in arms  fɔfɔɺi-ˈɺi-
 take from bag  sigisi-  +ˈdi-  take from bag  sigisi-ˈɺi-
 ?  seseɺi-  +ˈdi-  impede  seseɺi-ˈɺi-
 be withered  wabidi-  +ˈdi-  be withered  wabidi-ˈɺi-
 make thin  abene-  +ˈdi-  make thin  abene-ˈɺi-
 several carry  dijade-  +ˈdi-  several carry  dijade-ˈɺi-
 take out/away  dogase-  +ˈdi-  pull up many  dogase-ˈɺi-
 take many  kʰefeɺe-  +ˈdi-  take many  kʰefeɺe-ˈɺi-
 fish w/hands  ogoɺo-  +ˈdi-  catch many  ogoɺo-ˈɺi-
 ?  hɛmɛɺu-  +ˈdi-  be dirty  hɛmɛɺu-ˈɺi-

     I  II  III  IV
   (-)ˈɺi-  -ɺi-ma  -ɺi-mɛnɔ  -ɺij-ɛbi  -ɺi-ø
 prepare packet digago(-)ˈɺi- digagoɺi-ma digagoɺi-mɛnɔ digagoɺij-ɛbi digagoɺi-ø

Another second member of compounds which might be viewed as an auxilliary is /ˈdo-/ “be/stay/do.” It is found most conspicuously on terms which indicate colors. As with auxilliary /-ˈdi-/ [-ɺi-] “take” above, it is generally realized with an apical non-stop /-ɺo-/, but this is not quite consistent with several examples showing an alternation between [ɺo do]. It is distinguishable from multisyllabic roots with final syllables /do ɺo/ because the resulting compounds follow the the inflectional pattern of monosyllable /ˈdo-/:

   I  II  III  IV
 -ˈɺo- ~ -d-  -ɺo-ma  -ɺo-mɛnɔ  -ɺow-ɛbi  -ɺow-ɔ
 stem I-ˈɺo- ~ -d- stem I-ɺo-ma stem I-ɺo-mɛnɔ stem I-ɺow-ɛbi stem I-ɺow-ɔ

…:

   stem I  +ˈdo-   stem I-ˈɺo-
 take care  tʰiɺi-  +ˈdo-  take care of  tʰiɺi-ˈɺo- ~ -do-
 grab/hold  tʰɛ-ɺi-  +ˈdo-  hold onto  tʰɛ-ɺi-ˈɺo-
 stand out  baɺi-  +ˈdo-  be happy  baɺi-ˈɺo-
 get up  dasi-  +ˈdo-  stand & stay  dasi-ˈɺo-
 meet on path  gaɺi-  +ˈdo-  step aside  gaɺi-ˈɺo-
 turn over  baɺe-  +ˈdo-  be in middle  baɺe-ˈɺo-
 ?  tʰeɺe-  +ˈdo-  ambush witch  tʰeɺe-ˈɺo-
 shame  sede-  +ˈdo-  feel shame  sede-ˈɺo-
 be ripe  gene-  +ˈdo-  be red  gene-ˈɺo-
 up  fɛɺɛ-  +ˈdo-  come up  fɛɺɛ-ˈɺo-
 lift/raise  tʰɛgɛ-  +ˈdo-  lift head  tʰɛgɛ-ˈɺo-
 float  hɛɺe-  +ˈdo-  float face down  hɛɺe-ˈɺo-
 make wall  gaɺa-  +ˈdo-  block/hide  gaɺa-ˈɺo- ~ -do-
 ?  handa-  +ˈdo-  appear/stick out handa-ˈdo-
 turmeric  wana-  +ˈdo-  yellow/shame  wana-ˈɺo-
 ?  tʰibɔ-  +ˈdo-  come down  tʰibɔ-ˈɺo-
 light  hɔɔ-  +ˈdo-  white  hɔɔ-ˈɺo-
 grow. season  imo-  +ˈdo-  be green  imo-ˈɺo-
 get dark  soɺo-  +ˈdo-  be dark  soɺo-ˈdo-
 stay in house nɛnɛɺi-  +ˈdo-  stay and guard  nɛnɛɺi-ˈɺo- ~ -do-
 disappear  kʰeɺege-  +ˈdo-  disappear  kʰeɺege-ˈɺo-
 shame  jɔwɔɺe-  +ˈdo-  be ashamed  jɔwɔɺe-ˈɺo-
 ?  uɺu-tʰɔgɔdo- +ˈdo-  many talk  uɺu-tʰɔgɔdo-ˈɺo-

One apparently irregular example is attested only in a compound with /-ˈfeɺe-/ (above;) here the base form is /son-do-/ rather than the expected /sona-ɺo-/:

   nV +do-   n-do-
 smoke meat sona-  +ˈdo-  smoking (?) son-ˈdo-

Compounds with second member /ˈmi-/ “give”, like those involving /ˈdi-/ “take” above, are conjugated just as is /ˈmi-/ when occuring independently:

   I  II  III  IV
 -ˈmi-  -mi-na  -mi-ɛnɔ  -mij-ɛbi  -mi-ø
 stem I-ˈmi- stem I-mi-na stem I-mi-ɛnɔ stem I-mij-ɛbi stem I-mi-ø

…:

   stem I  +ˈmi-   stem I-ˈmi-
 take  di-  +ˈmi-  give  di-ˈmi
 demand pay  siɺi-  +ˈmi-  pay demand  siɺi-ˈmi-
 untie  fage-  +ˈmi-  untie & give  fage-ˈmi-
 cut through  gede-  +ˈmi-  cut piece & give gede-ˈmi-
 take off hook tʰaga-  +ˈmi-  unhook & give  tʰaga-ˈmi-
 strip off  hago-  +ˈmi-  strip off & give hago-ˈmi-
 break off  buɺu-  +mi-  cut and give  buɺu-ˈmi-
 ?  tʰagu-  +ˈmi-  exchange part  tʰagu-ˈmi-
 peel  dagu-  +ˈmi-  peel and give  dagu-ˈmi-
 peel many  dagu-tʰande- +ˈmi-  p. m. and give  d.-tʰande-ˈmi-

…. irregular verbs /ˈme-/ “come”, /ˈmese-/ “sit”, /ˈmeɺe-/ “stand” and /ˈham-/ “go” …

… /ˈme-/ “come” …:

…:

       I  II  III  IV
   stem I +come -me-na -mi-ɛnɔ -j-ɛbi -mij-ɔ
 chase away ɔɺu-  elope  ɔɺu-me-na  ɔɺu-mi-ɛnɔ  ɔɺu-j-ɛbi  ɔɺu-mij-ɔ

…:

       I  II  III  IV
   stem I +come  -me-na -m-ɛnɔ -n-dɛbi -(j)-ɛ
 across fi-  come across fi-me-na  fi-m-ɛnɔ  fi-n-dɛbi  fi-j-ɛ
   stem I +come  -mi-na -m-ɛnɔ -n-dɛbi -(j)-ɛ
 down  tʰi-  come down  tʰi-mi-na  tʰi-m-ɛnɔ  tʰi-n-dɛbi  tʰi-ø-ɛ

One example of this pattern is attested only in the third person present:

       III
   stem I +come -n-dab
 up fɛɺɛ-  come up  fɛɺɛ-n-dab

…. /ˈmese-/ “sit” … semantics ranging from actual sitting to a continuative sense:

       I  II  III  IV
   stem I +sit₁  -mese-a  -mes-ɛnɔ  -tʰ-ɛbi ~ -s- -sen
 take care  tʰiɺi-  watch over  tʰiɺi-mese-a  tʰiɺi-mes-ɛnɔ  tʰiɺi-tʰ-ɛbi  tʰiɺi-sen
 grab/hold  tʰɛ-ɺi-  keep holding  tʰɛ-ɺi-mese-a tʰɛ-ɺi-mes-ɛnɔ tʰɛ-ɺi-tʰ-ɛbi  tʰɛ-ɺi-sen
 wait for  jasi-  stay and wait  jasi-mese-a  jasi-mes-ɛnɔ  jasi-tʰ-ɛbi  jasi-sen
 cut up pig guɺu-  break up fight guɺu-mese-a  guɺu-mes-ɛnɔ  guɺu-tʰ-ɛbi  guɺu-sen

…. “sit” … auxilliary /-fo-/ (above) …:

       I  II  III  IV
   -fo- +sit₁  -fɔ-mese-a -fɔ-mes-ɛnɔ -fɔ-tʰ-ɛbi ~ -s- -fɔ-sen
 press together ba-fo-  sit against  ba-fɔ-mese-a  ba-fɔ-mes-ɛnɔ  ba-fɔ-tʰ-ɛbi  ba-fɔ-sen
 watch  bɔ-fo-  stay & watch bɔ-fɔ-mese-a  bɔ-fɔ-mes-ɛnɔ  bɔ-fɔ-tʰ-ɛbi  bɔ-fɔ-sen

A second less common pattern uses an alternative form of “sit” in the past tense, /asi/, which as found also as the base of /asi-fo₂-/ “sit awhile” (above.) As /asi/ is likewise given as an alternative past form alongside /asi-f-ɔ/, we can discern that this must be analyzed as past /asi-ø/ of an independent root /aˈsi-/ with final stress, as a stem IV form would not normally serve as the base of a compound with auxilliary /-fo-/:

       I  II  III  IV
   stem I +sit₂  -mese-a  -mes-ɛnɔ  -tʰ-ɛbi ~ -s- -asi
 lean against ani-  sit close  ani-mese-a  ani-mes-ɛnɔ  ani-tʰ-ɛbi  ani-asi
 be exhausted hamane-  take a rest hamane-m.-a. hamane-m.-ɛnɔ hamane-tʰ-ɛbi  hamane-asi

…. /ˈmeɺe-/ “stand” …

       I  II  III  IV
   stem I +stand -meɺe-a -meɺ-ɛnɔ -ɔɺubi -ɺen
 around sijɛ-  go around  sijɛ-meɺe-a sijɛ-meɺ-ɛnɔ sij-ɔɺubi  sijɛ-ɺen

… This /ɛ/ is most likely identical to Grosh and Grosh's (2004a: 52, 59-60) proclitic /ɛ-/ indicating repeated action:

       I  II  III  IV
   -ɛ- +stand  -ɛ(-)meɺe-a -ɛ(-)meɺ-ɛnɔ -ɛ(-)ɔɺibi -ɛ(-)eɺen
 turn over baɺ-ɛ-  keep t. over baɺ-ɛ meɺe-a  baɺ-ɛ meɺ-ɛnɔ  baɺ-ɛ ɔɺubi  baɺ-ɛ eɺen
 beg/whine susi-ɛ- beg/whine  susij-ɛ-meɺe-a  susij-ɛ-meɺ-ɛnɔ  susij-ɛ-ɔɺubi  susij-ɛ-eɺen

…. “stand” … auxilliary /-fo-/ (above) …

       I  II  III  IV
   -fo-  +stand  -fɔ-meɺe-a  -fɔ-meɺ-ɛnɔ -fɔ-ɺibi ~ -ɺubi -fɔ-ɺen
 press together ba-fo-  stand against ba-fɔ-meɺe-a  ba-fɔ-meɺ-ɛnɔ  ba-fɔ-ɺibi  ba-fɔ-ɺen
 watch  bɔ-fo-  watch over  bɔ-fɔ-meɺe-a  bɔ-fɔ-meɺ-ɛnɔ  —  bɔ-fɔ-ɺen
 stay awhile  do-fo-  be/stay/do  do-fo-meɺe-a (?) do-fɔ-meɺ-ɛnɔ  do-fɔ-ɺibi  do-fɔ-ɺen
 put down  di-ɛ-fo-  p.d. for s.o. di-ɛ-fɔ-meɺe-a  di-ɛ-fɔ-meɺ-ɛnɔ di-ɛ-fɔ-ɺibi  di-ɛ-fɔ-ɺen
 many be (?)  do-so-fo- many be  do-so-fɔ-m.-a  do-so-fɔ-m.-ɛnɔ do-so-fɔ-ɺubi  do-so-fɔ-ɺen
 stop/stay  kʰaga-fo- stand still  kʰaga-fɔ-m.-a  kʰaga-fɔ-m.-ɛnɔ kʰaga-fɔ-ɺubi  kʰaga-fɔ-ɺen

…. /ham-/ “go” …

       I  II  III  IV
   stem I +go  -hama-na  -hɛ-nɛnɔ -hɛ-nɛbi  -ane-ø
 across  fi-  go across  fi-hama-na  fi-hɛ-nɛnɔ  fi-hɛ-nɛbi  fi-ane-ø
 down  tʰi-  go down  tʰi-hama-na  tʰi-hɛ-nɛnɔ  tʰi-ha-nɛbi (?) tʰi-ane-ø
 up  fɛɺɛ-  climb tree  fɛɺɛ-hama-na  fɛɺɛ-hɛ-nɛnɔ fɛɺɛ-hɛ-nɛbi  fɛɺɛ-ane-ø
 overripe  bada-  be overripe —  —  —  bad-ane-ø
 drop  suɺu-  get lost        
 join/follow kʰudu-  follow  kʰudu-hama-na —  —  —

The semantic import of the addition of first member /ˈdi-/ “take” is quite specialized. Its primary function is to add a transitive sense to otherwise intransitive verbs, or a ditransitive sense to those which are already inherently transitive. The verb /di-kʰiˈdɛn-/ for example is defined by Schieffelin and Feld as “tell one person to wake up another.” For whatever reason, most of those with interpersonal meanings, notably excepting /di-ˈmi-/ “give,” involve shame or derision:

 di-+   B    C
 di-+  laugh  ˈɔge-  embarrass  dij-ˈɔge-
 di-+  give  ˈmi-  give  di-ˈmi-
 di-+  layer  maˈda-  make/build  di-maˈda-
 di-+  stand out  ˈbadi-  stand on end  di-ˈbadi-
 di-+  look around beˈben-  examine  di-beˈben-
 di-+  be good  naˈfan-  make good  di-naˈfan-
 di-+  hit  ˈsan-  embarrass  di-ˈsan-
 di-+  call name  ˈkʰidi-  taunt/deceive di-ˈkʰidi-
 di-+  withhold  kʰiˈdin-  tease  di-kʰiˈdin-
 di-+  wake (tr.)  di-kʰiˈdɛn- wake (ditr.)  di-kʰiˈdɛn-
 di-+  shut/close  ˈkʰaɺ-  hook over  di-ˈkʰaɺ-
 di-+  join/follow kʰuˈdu-  come quickly  di-kʰuˈdu-
 di-+  forget  gɛɺi-ɺɛ-  accuse  di-gɛɺi-ɺɛ-
 di-+  ?  gagaˈde-  insult  di-gadaˈde-
 di-+  laugh  gaˈɺi-  laugh at  di-gaˈɺi-
 di-+  be straight ˈgaɺe-  straighten  di-ˈgaɺe-
 di-+  be ashamed  jɔwɔɺe-ˈɺo- be shamed by  di-jɔwɔɺe-ˈɺo-

… /di-ɛ-/ …:

 di-+   B    C
 di-ɛ-+  come  ˈme-  bring  di-ɛ-ˈme-
 di-ɛ-+  give across fi-ˈmi- bring a. & give di-ɛ-fi-ˈmi-
 di-ɛ-+  go  ˈham-  take away  di-ɛ-ˈham-
 di-ɛ-+  many come  jɛˈsin- many bring  di-ɛ-jɛˈsin-

The paradigm for /di-ɛ-ˈham-/ “take away” appears to be irregular in the past such that another particle is needed to explain it. Schieffelin and Feld (1998: 31, 32) gloss /di-ɛ-gɛ-ø/ as “having taken;” we assume this to be the base of the form /di-ɛ-g-ane-ø/. Contra Schieffelin and Feld, the element /-gɛ-/ cannot be the present in the base of other compounds with prefixed /di-ɛ-/:

     I  II  III  IV
     -ø-hama-na -ø-hɛ-nɛnɔ -ø-hɛ-nɛbi -g-ane-ø
 take away di-ɛ-ˈham-  di-ɛ-hama-na  di-ɛ-hɛ-nɛnɔ  di-ɛ-hɛ-nɛbi  —
 take away di-ɛ-gɛ-ˈham- —  —  —  di-ɛ-g-ane-ø

An element /de-/ of unknown origin and meaning is found prefixed to a small number of roots involving motion or changes of position:

 de-+   B    C
 de-+  put in/plant ˈgeɺ-  bury sago  de-ˈgeɺ-
 de-+  hang down  ˈhede-  hang over  de-ˈhede-
 de-+  spin  ˈhege-  circle around de-ˈhege-
 de-+  hang  heˈsed- hang many  de-heˈsed-

Other compounds include the following:

   A    B    C
 look for  kʰeɺe-  think/want  aˈsuɺu-  worry  kʰeɺe-aˈsuɺu-
 hit  sana-  lie down  aˈɺi-  kill and leave  san-aˈɺi-
 break off  buɺu-  lie down  aˈɺi-  fall over  buɺu-aˈɺi-
 lengthen/stretch tʰiɺi-  lie down  aˈɺi-  collapse/land  tʰiɺi-aˈɺi-
 join/follow  kʰudu-  ?  [u]ˈɺun-  draw near  kʰud-[u]ˈɺun-
 lengthen/stretch tʰiɺi-  tie w/vine  ˈmeɺ-  wrap and tie  tʰiɺi-ˈmeɺ-
 dig ground  daɺi-  layer  maˈda-  level ground  daɺi-maˈda-
 ?  aɺo-  slice up  ˈban-  separate  aɺo-ˈban-
 overripe  bada-  stand out  ˈbadi-  be soft/rotten  bada-ˈbadi-
 cut meat  tʰidi-  stand out  ˈbadi-  cut into pieces  tʰidi-ˈbadi-
 ?  tʰɔgɔ-  stand out  ˈbadi-  lean against  tʰɔgɔ-ˈbadi-
 get up  dasi-  stand out  ˈbadi-  stand up (tr.)  dasi-ˈbadi-
 pull up/out  dugu-  stand out  ˈbadi-  be loose  dugu-ˈbadi-
 take off  hɔgɔfe-  stand out  ˈbadi-  remove clothes  hɔgɔfe-ˈbadi-
 squeeze sago  digi-  crush/step on  baˈsin-  pack sago  digi­-baˈsin-
 ?  aɺe-  attach/stick on ˈbaɺ-  patch netbag  aɺe-ˈbaɺ-
 other side  no-  turn over  ˈbaɺe-  turn and cook  no-ˈbaɺe-
 turn around  nodo-  turn over  ˈbaɺe-  t. upside-down  nodo-ˈbaɺe-
 much  ódɔ-  see  ˈbɔb-  see too much  ódɔ-ˈbɔb-
 down  tʰi-  ?  bɔˈɺon-  come down  tʰi-bɔˈɺon-
 down  tʰi-  break off  buˈɺu-  ?  tʰi-buˈɺu-
 take from bag  tʰiɺi-  break off  buˈɺu-  pull from hole  tʰiɺi-buˈɺu-
 push away  gigiɺi-  come across  fi-ˈme-  push across  gigiɺi-fi-ˈme-
 be leaning  wasɛsɛ-  blow on fire  ˈfoɺ-  sway in wind  wasɛsɛ-ˈfoɺ-
 take care  tʰiɺi-  discuss  neˈneɺe-  agreement  tʰiɺi-neˈneɺe-
 pass/hand  tʰaɺu-  hold up  tʰaˈɺoɺ-  lift & give  tʰaɺu-tʰaˈɺoɺ-
 push away  gigiɺi-  hold up  tʰaˈɺoɺ-  move up  gigiɺi-tʰaˈɺoɺ-
 stand up  dasi-ɺi- ?  tʰɔˈsod-  stand in rows  dasi-ɺi-tʰɔˈsod-
 ?  aɺu-  push down  tʰɔˈɺoɺ-  push down  aɺu-tʰɔˈɺoɺ-
 pass/hand  tʰaɺu-  push down  tʰɔˈɺoɺ-  take & put down  tʰaɺu-tʰɔˈɺoɺ-
 push away  gigiɺi-  push down  tʰɔˈɺoɺ-  move down  gigiɺi-tʰɔˈɺoɺ-
 take care  tʰiɺi-  speak/talk  ˈtʰo-  entertain  tʰiɺi-ˈtʰo-
 turn around  nodo-  remove stop  ˈtʰog-  twist off stop  nodo-ˈtʰog-
 lift/raise  tʰɛgɛ-  pick fruit  ˈtʰu-  remove bones  tʰɛgɛ-ˈsu-
 take care  tʰiɺi-  hear  dab(u)-  listen carefully tʰiɺi-dab(u)-
 look for  kʰeɺe-  hear  dab(u)-  keep to self  kʰeɺe-dab(u)-
 stone  u-  dig ground  ˈdadi-  bury  u-ˈdadi-
 make wall  gaɺa-  ?  doˈsod-  many block  gaɺa-doˈsod-
 say/speak  sa-  shame  senˈden-  say to shame  sa-senˈden-
 make noise  gana-  sting  seseˈde-  scream in pain  gana-seseˈde-
 whoop  uɺu-  put into  sɛˈɺɛ-  whoop in house  uɺu-sɛˈɺɛ-
 turn around  nodo-  get dressed  sɛˈgɛɺe-  invert clothes  nodo-sɛˈgɛɺe-
 scoop fish  dɔɺe-  put into  sɛˈɺɛ-  many s. f.  dɔɺe-sɛˈɺɛ-
 take off/down  sudu-  put into  sɛˈɺɛ-  take off/down  sudu-sɛˈɺɛ-
 knowledge  asu-  say/speak  ˈsa₁-  correct  asu-ˈsa₁-
 demand pay  siɺi-  say/speak  ˈsa₁-  demand pay  siɺi-ˈsa₁-
 look for  kʰeɺe-  say/speak  ˈsa₁-  make up  kʰeɺe-ˈsa₁-
 show  waɺa-  say/speak  ˈsa₁-  explain  waɺa-ˈsa₁-
 chase away  ɔɺu-  hit  ˈsan-  chase w/stick  ɔɺu-ˈsan-
 lengthen/stretch tʰiɺi-  hit  ˈsan-  tighten rope  tʰiɺi-ˈsan-
 ?  kʰede-  hit  ˈsan-  change places  kʰede-ˈsan-
 meet on path  gaɺi-  hit  ˈsan-  go other way  gaɺi-ˈsan-
 dawn  hɔɺe-  hit  ˈsan-  dance til dawn  hɔɺe-ˈsan-
 step  wɛɺɛ-  hit  ˈsan-  step on  wɛɺɛ-ˈsan-
 say/speak  sa-  distribute  ˈsaga-  spread word  sa-ˈsaga-
 tie w/vine  me-  string beads  saˈɺu-  string fish  me-saˈɺu-
 hit  sana-  die  ˈso-  hit and kill  sana-ˈso-
 ashes  mu-  drop  ˈsuɺu-  make smoulder  mu-ˈsuɺu-
 name  wi-  call name  ˈkʰidi-  give name  wi-ˈkʰidi-
 hunt pig  buɺu-  look for  ˈkʰede-  search for pig  buɺu-ˈkʰede-
 lean against  ani-  stand & stay  kʰaˈgan-  stand near  ani-kʰaˈgan-
 chestband(s)  bu-  shut/close  ˈkʰaɺ-  put on chest  bu-ˈkʰaɺ-
 grapple  gasa-  shut/close  ˈkʰaɺ-  block path  gasa-ˈkʰaɺ-
 chase away  ɔɺu-  ?  kʰɔˈgɔɺe- chase away  ɔɺu-kʰɔˈgɔɺe-
 make noise  gana-  yell  giˈɺin-  hoot/yell  gana-giˈɺin-
 split aside  tʰaɺa-  be straight  ˈgaɺe-  straighten  tʰaɺa-ˈgaɺe-
 eviscerate  tʰanda-  rub out many  ha-ɺɛ-  grab everything  tʰanda-ha-ɺɛ-
 cut off many  goɺo-  hang down  ˈhede-  cut & h. many  goɺo-ˈhede-
 cut off many  goɺo-  hang  heˈsed-  cut & h. many  goɺo-heˈsed-
 sago peel  ida-  loosen  heˈgeɺe-  peel sago  ida-heˈgeɺe-
 slice across  tʰaɺo-  rub out many  ha-ɺɛ-  cut/whittle  tʰaɺo-ha-ɺɛ-
 nag/whine  susi-  cry/weep  ˈjɛɺi-  beg/whine  susi-ˈjɛɺi-
 down  tʰi-  dance  ˈjaba-  jump/dance  tʰi-ˈjaba-
 jump  hɔɺu-  dance  ˈjaba-  hop  hɔɺi-ˈjaba-

In a small number of examples which might be assumed to be compounds due to the appearance of voiceless stops [tʰ kʰ] in medial position, the meaning of the individual constituents is not known:

   A   B    C
 ? en-  ? ˈtʰen-  antagonize  en-ˈtʰen-
 ? ne-  ? kʰene-fo₁- make hole  ne-kʰene-fo₁-
 ? fɛ-  ? tʰiniˈnin- cut through fɛ-tʰiniˈnin-
 ? ba-  ? ˈkʰaɺi-  burp  ba-ˈkʰaɺi-
 ? wa-  ? ˈtʰin-  many come  wa-ˈtʰin-
 ? wa-  ? kʰɔˈgɔde-  prevent  wa-kʰɔˈgɔde-

… tone … minimal pairs …

     I  II  III  IV
   dV-  ɺV-ma ɺV-mɛnɔ d-ɛbi  d-ɔ
 mark bound.  ˈede-  éɺe-ma  eɺe-mɛnɔ  éd-ɛbi  éd-ɔ
 finish  ˈede-  eɺé-ma  eɺé-mɛnɔ  ed-ɛbi  ed-ɔ́
   ˈdV-  dV-ma dV-mɛnɔ d-ɛbi  d-ɔ
 homo. play  gageˈde-  gágede-ma gagede-mɛnɔ gaged-ɛbi  gaged-ɔ
 put in hair  gageˈde-  gagedé-ma gagede-mɛnɔ gaged-ɛbi  gaged-ɔ́
   gV-  gV-ma gV-mɛnɔ g-ɛbi  g-ɔ
 distribute  ˈsaga-  ságà-ma  saga-mɛnɔ  sɛg-ɛbi  sɔg-ɔ́
 take off hook ˈtʰaga- ~ s- tʰaga-ma  tʰaga-mɛnɔ  —  tʰɔg-ɔ
   ˈsV-  sV-ma sV-mɛnɔ sV-ɺɛbi sV-ø
 weave bag  aˈsu-  ásu-ma  —  —  asú-ø
 take  aˈsu-  asú-ma  asu-mɛ́nɔ  asu-ɺɛ́bi  asú-ø
   ɺV-  ɺV-ma ɺV-mɛnɔ ɺ-ɛbi  ɺ-ɔ
 breathe  ˈhoɺo-  hóɺo-ma  hoɺo-mɛnɔ  hoɺ-ɛbi  hóɺ-ɔ
 whistle  ˈhoɺo-  hoɺo-ma  hoɺo-mɛnɔ  hoɺ-ɛbi  hoɺ-ɔ

Differences in tone patterns of the roots can carry over to the auxilliary:

     I  II  III  IV
     -fo-ma -f-ɛnɔ -ø-tʰɛbi -f-ɔ
 add more  ba-fo₂-  ba-fo-ma  ba-f-ɛnɔ  ba-ø-tʰɛbi  bá-f-ɔ
 close door  asi-fo₂-  asi-fo-ma  asi-f-ɛnɔ  —  —
 leave path  gaɺi-fo₂- gaɺi-fo-ma gaɺi-f-ɛnɔ gaɺi-ø-tʰɛbi gaɺi-f-ɔ
     -fo-ma -f-ɛnɔ -ø-tʰɛbi -f-ɔ́
 press together ba-fo₂-  ba-fo-ma  —  —  ba-f-ɔ́
     -fó-ma -f-ɛnɔ -ø-tʰɛbi -f-ɔ́
 sit awhile  asi-fo₂-  asi-fó-ma  asi-f-ɛnɔ  asi-ø-tʰɛbi  asi-f-ɔ̀
 escape  gaɺi-fo₂- gaɺi-fó-ma gaɺi-f-ɛnɔ gaɺi-ø-tʰɛbi gaɺi-f-ɔ́

…:

     I  II  III  IV
 take off  di-ɺɛ-  di-ɺɛ-ma  di-ɺe-mɛnɔ  di-ɺ-ɛbi  di-ɺɛ-ø
 put in pile di-ɺɛ-  di-ɺɛ́-ma  di-ɺe-mɛnɔ  di-ɺ-ɛbi  di-ɺɛ-ø
 continue  sade-ɺɛ- sade-ɺɛ́-ma sade-ɺe-mɛ́nɔ  sade-ɺ-ɛ́bi sadé-ɺɛ-ø
 list names  sade-ɺɛ- sade-ɺɛ́-má sade-ɺe-mɛ́nɔ́ sade-ɺ-ɛ́bí sadé-ɺɛ́-ø

…:

     I  II  III  IV
   -ˈɺi- -ɺi-ma -ɺij-ɛnɔ -ɺij-ɛbi -ɺi-ø
 many go  aɺu-ˈɺi-  áɺu-ɺí-ma  aɺu-ɺij-ɛnɔ  aɺu-ɺij-ɛbi  áɺu-ɺi-ø
 scrape out aɺu-ˈɺi-  áɺu-ɺi-ma  —  —  aɺu-ɺí-ø

Schieffelin and Feld (1998: xvii) … nominals which are derived from the past forms of verbs, which they state are found only utterance-finally:

     past  topic
     -ɔ́  -ɔ
 slide/smooth maˈɺiɺi-  maɺiɺ-ɔ́  maɺiɺ-ɔ
 want meat  tʰɛɺɛn[V]- tʰɛɺɛij-ɔ́ tʰɛɺɛij-ɔ
 straighten  di-ˈgaɺe-  di-gaɺ-ɔ́  di-gaɺ-ɔ
     -ɛ́-ø  …
 step  wɛˈɺɛ-  wɛɺɛ́-ø  …